Defending "The Purity of Home Life" Against Socialism: The Founding Years of the Australian Women's National League

The paradigm of maternal citizenship has been variously understood by historians as enabling and restrictive of women's action in the public sphere. This paper considers the use to which the maternal paradigm was put by the founders of the Australian Women's National League, focussing in particular upon their campaign to link the Labor party with socialism and "free love". It observes the ease with which the ideal of the maternal citizen — central to the liberal feminism of the day — could be turned to the conservative class interests of elite women.     

For Your Freedom and Ours: The Polish Question in Wilson's Peace Initiatives, 1916 - 1917

The first eighteen months of the Great War witnessed an unprecedented awakening of interest in the Polish Question, when worldwide attention was drawn to the prolonged devastation of the Polish territories. Thereafter, a steady increase in media comment and criticism, highlighting Poland's plight, fostered public indignation at the continual stalling of humanitarian relief efforts for Polish refugees. Such burgeoning popular sentiment focused wider political attention upon a growing movement for recognition of Polish claims to independence. This particularly proved to be the case for Woodrow Wilson and his administration's budding interest in Poland. Subsequently, nowhere did the Polish Question assume a greater role in diplomatic efforts to mediate for peace than in America, and at no time more than during the year preceding the President's hesitant decision to intervene in hostilities.     

The Rise and Fall of the Australian Women's Bureau

Policy textbooks often overlook the importance of international borrowing in their accounts of the policy process. Analysis of feminist policy influence also tends to neglect the international dimension of the opportunity structure and the leverage provided by international agendas. In this article we tell the story of how the Women's Bureau, the first women's unit in Australian government, came into being in the 1960s. This story encompasses the overseas modelling of such bureaux and the promotion of such models through international women's organisations and their national affiliates. The international dimension has been inseparable from the development of women's policy machinery in Australian government; the current disengagement from international standard setting coincides with the dismantling of domestic machinery, including the Women's Bureau.     

Sport for Peace: A New Era of International Cooperation and Peace through Sport

“O Sport, You are Peace!

You forge happy bonds between the peoples

by drawing them together in reverence for strength

which is controlled, organised and self disciplined.

Through you the young of the entire world

learn to respect one another,

and thus the diversity of national traits becomes a source

of generous and peaceful emulation!”

Pierre De Coubertin (The founder of the modern Olympic Movement)

Sport is an excellent and powerful tool to promote peace, tolerance, and peaceful coexistence. Sport can bring together people of different ethnicities, nationalities, race, skin color, culture and religion. Sport promotes values, such as respect, honesty and cooperation. Sport has the power and ability to overcome the intercultural and political barriers. Sport can be the significant component of social integration. This article brings into the discussion the theme of sport for peace and a positive role of sport for international cooperation and peace. There is a limited amount of research and literature on the theme of sport and peace or sport for peace. The unique and positive power of sport for bringing about peace and peaceful solutions is not well researched and understood. Therefore, the reason for this article is to try to fill the gap in the existing literature on the theme of sport for peace and broaden the discussion about it. The article focuses on sport for peace initiatives implemented by the International Olympic Committee (IOC), the United Nations (UN) and its agencies, like UNESCO, UNICEF, UNHCR and non-governmental organizations and international sport federations. The article also examines the sport for peace initiatives from Japan, in the example of the Sport for Tomorrow (SFT) Programme of the Japanese Government for Tokyo 2020 Olympic and Paralympic Games and contribution by Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) in promoting and fostering friendship, cooperation, and peace in the world.     

The “ANRC has Withdrawn its Offer”: Paul Kirchhoff,Academic Freedom and the Australian Academic Establishment*

The main focus of examinations of intellectual suppression and censorship of scholars and academics in Australia has been on the post‐1945 period, particularly the Cold War. The interwar years have, in comparison, received little attention, resulting in a lack of historical understanding of the development of censorious structures and traditions in Australia. In this paper I discuss the exclusion of Paul Kirchhoff, a German anthropologist, a member of the German Communist Party and a Jew, from undertaking anthropological research in Australia, including its external territories, between 1931 and 1932. Kirchhoff applied for a research grant from the Australian National Research Council (ANRC) which, although awarded, was withdrawn once the Executive Committee was informed by the Australian government that the British MI5 considered him a security risk. His membership of the Communist Party was the reason put forward. This case also underlines the transnational aspect of security services and the international reach of academic anthropology. Kirchhoff was a victim of the ANRC's sympathetic collaboration with the Commonwealth Attorney‐General's office to stifle academic and civil freedom.     

The Middle Way: The Discourse of Planning in Britain,Australia and at the League in the Interwar Years*

Through an examination of speeches, articles and scholarly writing, this article traces the development of the idea of planning and the related doctrine of rationalization in Australia, Britain and at the League of Nations up to the Second World War. These terms denoted scientific control of social forces, an idea that emerged as the major response to interwar perceptions of crisis. Although rationalization and planning were viewed as potentially international in scope by the League's Economic Section, their treatment in Britain and Australia tended towards the provincial, with the rhetoric surrounding them progressively being tailored to suit local and imperial concerns and commitments. The defences of planning often relied on sentimental appeals to British character and traditions, although these same appeals were later used to undermine its rhetorical status.     

NGOs and Political Change: A History of the Australian Council for International Development

NGOs and Political Change: A History of the Australian Council for International Development. By Patrick Kilby (Canberra: Australian National University Press, 2015), pp.xvii + 289. AUD$40.00 (pb). Katrina     

The Liberal Party of Australia and the Australian Women's Movement Against Socialisation 1947–54

During the Liberal Party of Australia's formative stages in the 1940s and early 1950s, the Federal and New South Wales Divisions of the Party tended to ignore and/or down play the activities of their women members and office bearers. The gulf that existed between the theory and practice in the Party was further highlighted by the formation and rapid growth of the Australian Women's Movement Against Socialisation, a right wing organisation that was formed in September 1947 to combat the Chifley Government's decision to nationalise the private banks. In New South Wales the AWMAS attracted a large number of women who were members and supporters of the LPA, many of whom were disillusioned with the Party. This article begins with an analysis of the rise of the AWMAS. This is followed by a review of the activities undertaken by women activists in the New South Wales Liberal Party who tried to introduce changes within the Party that would allow women members greater opportunities and thus combat the influence of the AWMAS. This is important because it sheds light on efforts to make the Party more attentive to the political needs of women, while it was still going through its formative stages. More importantly, the outcome of the conflict set the parameters for what women activists could hope to achieve in the short term in the Party in New South Wales and at the federal level.     

The Business of Peace: Raiding and Peace Work along the Kenya-Uganda Border (Part II)

Peace work is big business along the Kenya–Uganda border.Each year, new groups are created thanks to the generosity ofmajor donors while others disappear due to corruption and mismanagement.This cycle has continued for decades and, despite an absenceof tangible results, millions of dollars continue to flow intothe bank accounts of peace groups in the North Rift. As thefirst part of this article suggests, the focus on the so-called‘root causes’ of violence may well be responsiblefor the dismal performance of the peace industry. However, thebehaviour of peace NGOs in the field has been appalling. Peacemeetings are often only held so NGOs can display an engagementwith the conflict, despite the dangers created by such events.Other groups are dominated by politicians who use money earmarkedfor peace work to fund their political ambitions. Better monitoringis the obvious solution, but local groups have been able toavoid this by exaggerating the security risks of visiting theregion. Others argue that offloading peace work responsibilitiesto CBOs might lead to better results, but in the highly ethnicizedNorth Rift smaller groups are rarely able to transcend theirlocal roots. This article concludes that the peace industryis deeply flawed, and requires a complete overhaul in orderto have a beneficial impact on the region.     

The Business of Peace: Raiding and Peace Work Along the Kenya Uganda Border (Part I)

Peace-building NGOs are frequently at work along the Kenya–Ugandaborder. But in this desolate region, results have been extremelysparse. This article contends that this is due to the inadequaciesof contemporary understandings of cattle raiding. Most NGOsand many academics ascribe cattle raids to a familiar arrayof factors such as resource scarcity, small arms proliferation,and generational conflict. While each issue is obviously ofsome relevance, such explanations are too cumbersome to reallyenhance our knowledge of cattle raiding. This article proposesa new approach to the problem by utilizing popular conceptionsof ethnicity and criminal responsibility for raids. Given thatmost major raids originally stem from seemingly insignificantthefts, the process of retaliation is seen as crucial to understandingwhy violence escalates in certain situations and defuses inothers. The failure of NGOs engaged in peace work to addressthis important issue in a meaningful way is the reason theyhave failed to achieve much success along the Kenya–Ugandaborder. This is in turn responsible for the widespread cynicismand corruption that has crept into their work, and is the subjectof the second part of this article. The author would like to acknowledge the Killam Trust, the SocialSciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and DalhousieUniversity for their generous support during the writing ofthis article. Special thanks are owed to Andrew Juma, MilcahAchola, Rachel Andiama, Kelly-Jo Bahry, Rob Blunt, MichelleBourbonniere, Kim de Vries, Gary Kynoch, Mark Longole, GabrielleLynch, Friederike Mieth, and Danielle Walters, as well as twoanonymous reviewers.     

The Seed of Freedom: Regional Security and the Colombo Plan

Established in 1950, the Colombo Plan was a comprehensive program of foreign aid provided to South East Asian nations. In this article I argue that the Colombo Plan had a much broader political and cultural agenda, and cannot be understood from a humanitarian perspective alone. By exploring some of the cultural, ideological and political underpinnings of the scheme I illustrate that, as part of a comprehensive foreign policy, it is best understood as being motivated by international security priorities and the need to ally domestic cultural concerns. Although the Colombo Plan was inherently defensive, it also proved to be something of a progressive force which prepared the ground for a much closer relationship with (and within) the Southeast Asian region.