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Robert Powell 《American journal of political science》2012,56(3):620-637
Three striking features about both interstate and civil war are (1) there are often periods of persistent fighting, (2) fighting commonly ends in negotiated settlements as well as in militarily decisive outcomes, and (3) fighting sometimes recurs. This article links these features to shifts in the distribution of power and to the fact that one of the functions of fighting is to forestall adverse shifts. The analysis centers on a simple model of state consolidation. The equilibrium displays these features: Fighting occurs when the distribution of power is shifting rapidly. The factions avoid fighting and cut deals when the distribution of power shifts slowly or is stable. Fighting resumes if the distribution of power again begins to shift rapidly. The analysis also shows that state consolidation can occur without fighting if the process is sufficiently slow. Fighting now rather than later can also reduce the total cost of fighting. 相似文献
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Francis Bacon’s famous metaphor that knowledge is power has been the intellectual springboard for many scholars to offer misleading observations about the inordinate authority and power of knowledge. Among the important implications that Bacon derives from his metaphor is the assertion that individuals provided with experimental skills and practical knowledge are those most entitled to hold executive office, rather than the aristocracy of blood. In this essay, we critically analyze Michel Foucault’s ambivalent version of the closeness of knowledge, power and authority. 相似文献
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Knut Heidar 《Scandinavian political studies》1984,7(1):1-16
Much current research into the working of liberal democracy tends to emphasise and concentrate on the corporate channel of influence. The linkage to centres of power provided by political parties has not received sufficient attention. There is a need for more research into the operation of parties as linkages between grass root activists and national elite politics. Studying party democracy is to study internal distribution of power, and the article turns to the debate on community power studies for guidelines on how to approach empirical research on intra-party democracy. 相似文献
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Bargaining and Learning While Fighting 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Robert Powell 《American journal of political science》2004,48(2):344-361
Much of the existing formal work on war models the decision to go to war as a game-ending, costly lottery. This article relaxes this assumption by treating war as a costly process during which the states run the risk of military collapse. The model also allows for uncertainty over either the cost of fighting or the distribution of power. The analysis makes four contributions to the growing costly-process literature: (i) the present model provides a more general treatment of the learning process that occurs when states are uncertain about the distribution of power, (ii) it explicitly compares the bargaining and learning processes for the two different sources of uncertainty, (iii) it suggests a way to empirically distinguish wars arising from these two sources, and (iv) it shows that the equilibrium dynamics of informational accounts of war may be quite sensitive to the underlying bargaining environment through which information is conveyed . 相似文献
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Manfred J. Holler 《Public Choice》1993,76(4):347-356
In this paper we analyse anti-pollution policies in a 2-by-2 game played between a “polluter” and the “police” in which the payoffs can be manipulated by an exogenous third player called the “policy-maker.” We show that the efficiency of the policies may depend on whether the players of the 2-by-2 game choose Nash equilibrium strategies or prefer maximin. 相似文献
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Harry Adams 《群星:国际评论与民主理论杂志》2008,15(1):126-147
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Henrik Jess Madsen 《Scandinavian political studies》1980,3(4):277-298
Proposals for capital sharing (i.e. the spreading of ownership rights to productive assets), also known as 'economic democracy', have been advanced by the trade unions in both Denmark and Sweden. In view of their redistributive intent, these schemes have met surprisingly little enthusiastic response in traditional labor constituencies. The article makes an attempt to explain why . An examination of wage earner attitudes (which goes into greater detail for Denmark) shows that the presently entertained proposals appeal in a cross-cutting manner to conflictual notions of class power and participatory opportunity. The result is a fragmentation of wage earner support. 相似文献
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Manfred J. Holler 《Public Choice》1994,79(3-4):367-368
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The community power debate concluded with each side believing they had won. Political theorists have generalized power, making empirical investigation very difficult; urban scholars have turned their attention to more manageable empirical problems. Rational choice advances the debate, exposing the errors of all sides and facilitating a new approach which transcends structural versus individualist methods. By separating various aspects of power in urban contexts, complementary techniques such as network analysis in a bargaining framework, semi-structured interviewing and the use of text databases permits a comprehensive investigation of agenda-setting and the mobilization of bias. The paper demonstrates the utility of this approach by comparing it to 'regime theory', the latest paradigm of urban research. 相似文献
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李守东 《铁道警官高等专科学校学报》2003,13(4):127-128
散手运动作为警察体育的必修科目 ,训练手段和方法日趋完善和科学化。快速的反应、灵巧的动作、飘逸的步伐 ,是散手速度训练的目标。高水平的速度训练 ,为散手运动水平的提高奠定了坚实基础。 相似文献
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David L. Imbroscio 《政策研究评论》2004,21(3):447-461
Concentrated urban poverty is America's deepest social problem. Eliminating it stands as our nation's greatest challenge. In this article I analyze from a normative perspective antipoverty policies that attempt to address this problem via “mobility,” that is, policies that attempt to disperse the urban poor to suburban locations. I find these policies to be normatively problematic on two grounds: the level coercion experienced by (and the corresponding lack of free choice given) a vulnerable population and the undesirable effects (in the current context of American urban development) caused by failing to regard established neighborhoods as stable communities. The results of this analysis indicate strongly the need to generate increased levels of economic activity in America's inner cities, and I suggest that more research on this issue be conducted with an eye toward formulating and implementing a comprehensive strategy to bring about inner-city revitalization. 相似文献