首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 93 毫秒
1.
"市管县"的悖论与"省管县"的可行性研究   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
随着经济和社会的发展,"市管县"体制已越来越明显地呈现出其各种弊端,与此同时,一种全新的"省管县"模式已越来越受到社会各界的关注,并在不少地方开始试行。本文在对"市管县"体制的悖论进行分析的基础上,论证了"省管县"的现实和理论可行性以及可能衍生的问题,从而为我国地方行政体制改革理清思路。  相似文献   

2.
"省管县"改革的推行旨在改变县级政府受制于"市"的旧状,通过"扩权强县"推动县域经济快速发展。但在"省管县"体制下,县级政府决策将可能衍生决策失误、权力滥用、矛盾激化、区域摩擦、盲目逐利求绩等问题,综合分析这些问题进而探讨县级政府决策制度化建设的机制走向、制度走向、法律走向、绩效评估走向,将益于"省管县"改革的顺利推行及县级政府决策制度化建设的思路拓展。  相似文献   

3.
"省管县"体制改革:动因、障碍与对策   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
操世元  姚莉 《理论导刊》2007,(11):21-22
我国行政体制改革正从减人、减事、合并机构的行政职能调整,开始扩展到"减少层级"的行政改革,省管县的行政体制改革正是暗合了这样的趋势。省管县体制改革要克服地方层面原有体制的惯性与利益因素和中央层面对政治统治有效性的疑虑的障碍,为此,中央政府必须加大推动力度,适度增加省级政府的数量,主动调整县级行政区划,合理维护现存的地级市的利益并推行电子政务的跟进,才能使这一改革顺利进行。  相似文献   

4.
关于强镇改革缘起和进程研究,现有的制度供需结构、力和利益相关者分析视角均卓有成效,但对改革发展的演进逻辑、利益相关者和力各自的复杂性以及彼此间的内在耦合关联关注不够.为此,通过引入"力场"分析视角,构建起SPARM力场分析框架.强镇改革实则源于多重利益相关者基于多维立场触发不同的力的综合作用结果:其中驱动力推进改革,抑制力掣肘改革,整个"力场"决定改革的进程和走向.为深化强镇改革,未来改革要妥善处理好利益相关者和力之间的关系,重视力的博弈,构建起多利益主体间的对话协商等制度化机制.  相似文献   

5.
科学与价值:"三个代表"的双重哲学维度   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
周志军 《理论探讨》2003,36(1):18-20
"三个代表"重要思想具有科学和价值的双重哲学维度.其科学维度体现于对马克思主义生产力理论的坚持、对于"三大规律"的自觉把握和对马克思主义思想方法论的创新.其价值维度体现于对人的自由而全面发展的倡导及其实现路径的探索.两者统一于生产力的不断推进、党的先进性的获得和党的现阶段纲领向最高纲领前进的历史进程之中.这是对马克思主义基本精神的创造性继承和发展.  相似文献   

6.
公共服务财权配置的问题分析与改革策略   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
刘厚金 《行政论坛》2009,16(5):19-24
公共服务的财权配置应根据市场经济条件下,各级政府的公共服务职能来确定,合理划分中央与地方的财权,适当安排政府间关于公共服务的财政收支,使各级政府的财权与事权相匹配.分税制确立了各级政府财权划分的基本格局,实践中政府间财政支出的结构不尽合理.税权高度集中,财权层层上移,转移支付失当,基层政府财力趋微,导致各级政府财权与事权不匹配.公共服务的事权配置是财权配置的基础,而财权配置又是事权履行的保证.改革政府间的财权配置应该合理划分政府间税收权限,改革转移支付制度.同时,扩大公共服务机构融资渠道,化解基层政府的财政风险,建立协调发展基金.  相似文献   

7.
省管县体制变迁的浙江模式:渐进改革与制度路径   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
浙江的省市县政府层级体制是一种接近于省直管县的体制模式,其有力地促进了县域经济的繁荣发展。该模式是通过不断完善省管县的财政体制、从连续多轮的强县扩权到扩权强县等一系列改革实践逐步形成。而浙江市场化改革的先发优势、较为合理的区域面积和行政区划、以块状经济为主体的经济空间结构以及市县平衡的发展战略构成了省管县体制浙江模式的制度条件。同时,当前推进省管县体制改革面临着法律、制度、观念和利益上的多重障碍,必须从整体上统筹谋划、自上而下地构建制度化分权体制,合理划分省市县政府间的职责权限。  相似文献   

8.
按照"三个代表"的要求,深化干部人事制度改革,就必须创造一个平等竞争的用人环境,建立能上能下的管理机制,推进干部人事工作的民主化、科学化、制度化;扩大群众对干部选拔任用的各种权利,才能使我党大批的优秀人才脱颖而出,真正建设一支高素质充满生机和活力的干部队伍.  相似文献   

9.
"政府再造"理论及其于中国改革适用性的理性思辨   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
一本曾经在上世纪末引领政府改革国际化浪潮的著作.却并不被后来的学者们看好甚或招致学理的审视与批伐.结合奥斯本"政府再造"的系列丛书,本文对<改革政府>中的理论主题进行了精要归纳和理性思辨,并就不同观点做出辩正,譬如对国内外"顾客"导向、关于"划桨" "掌舵"与"服务"论之争的重新认识等.在此基础上,结合中国国情和政府公共管理中的现存问题,合理借鉴"政府再造"的10条原则并提出相应改革对策.  相似文献   

10.
论“省管县”体制实施的困境与障碍及其消解   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
"省管县"业已成为我国地方政府体制改革的大势所趋。然而,现有的理论研究多以克服市管县体制的弊端作为出发点和视角,鲜有对"省管县"体制实施的障碍进行研究,因而缺乏前瞻性和可操作性。为了使我国的地方政府体制改革不再重蹈历史的覆辙,从而陷入"省管县——地(市)管县——省管县——地(市)管县"的怪圈循环,本文从心理层面、操作层面和体制层面等三个不同的视角对"省管县"体制实施的困境与障碍作出全面的梳理,并进而提出改革我国地方政府体制的基本思路。  相似文献   

11.
By focusing on the internal conditions and rationale behind the development of Norwegian peace diplomacy (as seen by Norwegian diplomats and nongovernmental organisation representatives), this study argues that the high level of the country's engagement in international peace efforts and its success in pursuing a ‘niche diplomacy’ can be attributed to two factors. First, it is the ability of the Norwegian government to capitalise on the society's belief that Norwegians are a ‘Peace Nation’ with a missionary obligation. Second, it is the existence of the so‐called ‘Norwegian Model’, which allows creating efficient interactions between government, civil society and research institutions in specific foreign policy efforts. Both factors combined make Norwegian peace diplomacy a model example representing New Public Diplomacy, where domestic civil society remains both an audience (‘Norway as a Peace Nation’ notion) and a driver (Norwegian model of cooperation) of state public diplomacy efforts.  相似文献   

12.
公共政策议程研究是西方政策研究领域中一个新兴的研究热点。20世纪70年代以来,西方学者基于西方政治体系中的政策实践总结归纳出了政策议程的很多准入条件和模型。而中国学者在议程问题的研究上还处于萌芽阶段,基于本国实践的同类研究不仅数量稀少,而且解释的力度和系统性都欠缺。约翰·金顿(John·Kingdon)的多源流分析框架为基础对我国医疗卫生体制改革的政策议程有现实的指导意义。  相似文献   

13.
Large recent and forecasted federal outlays to cover losses on deposit insurance and federally-assisted credit have increased concern in the executive and legislative branches about potential future liabilities of the federal government. These potential liabilities include federal credit; consequently, this renewed interest in federal credit reform. Credit reform would have to change the budgetary treatment of federal direct loans and federal guaranteed loans. Currently, the unified budget measures the cost of federal credit on a cash flow basis. Critics (including the Bush Administration) maintain that the appropriate budgetary measure of the costs of federal credit is the present value of the subsidies to credit recipients in the fiscal year that the credit is advanced. The Bush Administration's proposal for credit reform is presented in most detail in the Federal Credit Reform Act of 1989 (the Act), which was proposed but not enacted. The Act would have had federal officials estimate credit subsidies based on the equivalent interest rates in private credit markets. These subsidies would have been used to measure the budgetary cost of federal credit and would have required annual appropriations. Two credit revolving funds would have been established in the Treasury to finance credit flows. Many of these credit reform practices were included in the Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1990 though.  相似文献   

14.
This article critically examines the use and effectiveness of border controls in the European Union (EU)'s counter-terrorism policy. It shows that the EU has made substantial progress towards achieving the objectives that it had set for itself in this policy area, but has not managed to fulfil all of them, and certainly not by the deadlines originally set. It further argues that, contrary to their usual depiction in EU official documents, these border control measures make a limited contribution to the actual fight against terrorism, whilst having some negative effects. From that viewpoint, the fact that the EU has failed to meet all of its objectives in the use of border controls for counter-terrorist purposes may paradoxically be seen as a positive outcome.  相似文献   

15.
我国国企改革伴随着激烈的理论争论走过了30年。2003年以后,我国新的国资管理体制逐步建立,国企调整改革的取向也发生了明显变化——向关键领域集中,整合重组,做强做大。由于地方国企与央企差异很大,特别是二者的战略地位完全不同,因此,其调整改革取向应当有很大差异。要使地方国企与央企沿着合理的差异化取向调整改革,就应当正确认识和调整国务院国资委的定位、合理确定地方国资委的地位、正确处理地方国资委与国务院国资委的关系。  相似文献   

16.
《行政论坛》2019,(1):13-21
农民工是极具中国特色的现象,农民工政策提供了一个公共政策变迁的独特经验。基于政策范式的理论框架,以1978—2017年985份中央层面的农民工政策文献为样本,运用政策文献量化分析方法分析政策目标、政策价值取向、政策工具、政策主体、政策对象在时间维度上的变化特征。研究表明,我国农民工政策经历控制(1978—1991年)、管理(1992—2005年)、服务(2006—2017年)等三次范式转变,体现了改革开放以来我国政府职能转变的过程:政策目标经历由纳入管控、规范管理向保障权益与促进融入的调适;政策价值取向经历由农村偏好、城市偏好向城乡统筹的转换;政策工具经历由单纯依靠行政命令向行政命令、市场调节、法律规范等多重工具并用的过渡;政策主体经历由中共中央、国务院为主向中央职能部门为主的变动;政策对象的称谓经历由歧视话语向正面话语、具有劳动力价值向具有城镇化意义和关注农民工个人向关注随迁及留守家属的变化。  相似文献   

17.
Eric Patashnik 《管理》2003,16(2):203-234
The prevailing political science wisdom is that narrow interests regularly triumph over the general public. Yet the stunning passage of broad-based policy reforms in the face of intense clientele opposition suggests that the U.S. political system has a greater capacity to serve diffuse interests than has often been thought. Some of the most provocative policy-oriented political-science research during the 1980s and 1990s examined how these surprising reform victories occurred. Unfortunately, general-interest reforms do not always stick; reforms may be corrupted or reversed after their enactment. The long-term sustainability of any given policy reform hinges on the successful reworking of political institutions and on the generation of positive policy-feedback effects, especially the empowerment of social groups with a stake in the reform&s maintenance. This paper explores the postenactment dynamics of three canonical instances of general-interest reform legislation: tax reform, agricultural subsidy reform, and airline deregulation. Only in the airline-deregulation case has the self-reinforcing dynamic required for political sustainability been unmistakably evident. For analysts and advocates of general-interest reform measures alike, the clear lesson is to attend far more closely to what happens after reforms become law.  相似文献   

18.
19.
Conlon  John R.  Pecorino  Paul 《Public Choice》2004,120(1-2):123-142
We investigate policy reform in a modelwith both lobbying, which involves afree-rider problem, and ordinary rentseeking, which does not. These activitiesinvolve similar skills, so a reform whichreduces rents shifts labor into lobbying.Also, because of the free-rider problem,the marginal return to the industry fromlobbying may greatly exceed an individualfirm's return to lobbying. Thus, the shiftinto lobbying caused by rent reduction maylead to large increases in transfers to thelobbying industry. Under somecircumstances, a reform which reducesavailable rents increases total rents plustransfers to the industry.  相似文献   

20.
This article examines the entry into the agricultural policy arena of a new market liberal vision. Battles over market liberalism are some of the defining struggles of the present age. The article develops a stylized framework designed to help understand some of these political struggles and some of the underlying dynamics of the complex policy debates that have occurred. It begins with a brief review of the changed economic context for farming that gradually took place in the 1990s and then provides an overview of how market liberal values and norms might be applied to agriculture. Constructing a stylized set of negotiations in a game-theoretic form that might take place in a debate over the merits of a market liberal approach, it shows two different paths for agricultural policy reform. The analysis suggests that policy change is likely to move more in a market-liberal direction under a center-left government than under a conservative one. This model isthen tested by looking at policy change in two sectors (cereal grains, dairy) in three countries (Australia, Canada, and the United States of America). The analysis suggests that the models are more helpful and policy convergence is more pronounced when sectors are open to international competition. In contrast, the models work less well and convergence is lower in highly protected sectors.  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号