The Concept of Liberty in "A Theory of Justice" and Its Republican Version

Abstract. The Author offers three interpretations of the Rawlsian conception of liberty. At the same time he compares this formal version of civil and political liberty with the substantive version produced by the republican theory of liberty. The first question is this: Can liberties be unequal? Here the liberal concept of liberty is discussed linking human will of liberty and equality. The second question is: Can liberties be equal when their respective values are not? The Author stresses the Rawlsian distinction between liberty and the value of liberty showing the risk of reducing the less powerful to dependency. The third question is: Can political liberty be limited for the sake of personal liberties? From a republican perspective the answer to the Rawlsian instrumental conception of political liberty is that all personal liberties are necessarily founded on political liberty.*     

Oakeshott on the Authority of Law

Abstract. The author explains Michael Oakeshott's distinctive theory of law through an explanation of its notion of authority. He explains the view that modern states are ambiguous, consisting partly of civil associations and partly of enterprise associations . Authority is not a function of people's attitudes to those in power, but exists when a government's action is itself accepted as sufficient reason for unconditional obedience. Authority in this sense cannot exist in enterprise association, commitment to which must be contingent on the fulfillment of purposes common to all participants. But modern states are compulsory associations, different from each. Furthermore, authority could never be justified on a rational choice model, which must always be teleological in character. Because this means there can be no solution to the problem of political obligation, all philosophy can do is describe abstractly the Rule of Law state which does reconcile authority and liberty.     

Employing the Mental Health System to Control Sex Offenders After Penal Incarceration*

In the 1930s, several states provided civil commitment in mental institutions for certain sex offenders. Civil commitment of these sex offenders abated after most states repealed their statutes in the 1960s. In the 1980s, however, these statutes returned, as outraged citizens deplored the offenses of repeated sex offenders. The author of this essay examines civil commitment statutes for sex offenders in Washington and Minnesota, two of the leading states in this area, as well as recent rulings from each state's Supreme Court upholding the constitutionality of these statutes. Particularly, the author focuses on the psychiatric or mental health discussions by the justices in the majority in both state rulings. Furthermore, the author criticizes the legislatively defined mental abnormality statutes that sanction these commitments, proposes use of the ordinary civil commitment statutes for individuals who are seriously mentally ill, and concludes that sex offenders who do not meet the criteria for traditional civil commitment should be handled by the criminal justice system.     

Tolerance and Liberal Justice

Tolerance, the mere “putting up” with disapproved behaviour and practices, is often considered a too negative and passive engagement with difference in the liberal constitutional state. In response, liberal thinkers have either discarded tolerance, or assimilated it to the moral and legal precepts of liberal justice. In contradistinction to these approaches I argue that there is something distinctive and valuable about tolerance that should not be undermined by more ambitious, rights‐based models of social cooperation. I develop a conception of tolerance as a complementary principle and an interim value that is neither incompatible with, nor reducible to, rights‐based liberalism. Tolerance represents a particular, non‐communitarian expression of the general dictum that the liberal state, having released its citizens into liberty, rests on social presuppositions it cannot itself guarantee.     

紧急权力的自由模式之演进

作为一种解决“法律与需要”之间的紧张关系的理论框架,紧急权力的自由模式有着悠久的历史。自由模式通过区分时间结构、空间结构和行为性质,假设紧急状态能够从正常状态中分离出来。该模式包括自由裁量性,不受法律约束性,事后公开说理性以及立法机关的审查和批准等要素。在危机的全球化、法律现实主义运动的盛行和紧急权力法制化的兴起等因素的影响下,自由模式在20世纪初期开始衰微。然而, 法律主义的悲惨前景,行政机关紧急权力不断扩张和公民权利连续减损等事实,促使人们反思自由模式的价值,并提出超越自由模式。超越自由模式与法律主义相补充,可以作为我国应对极端危机的一种方式,也可以有效提升我国公民的社会公德,克服政府官员和公民的冷漠、怠责与怯懦。     

U.S. psychiatrists' beliefs and wants about involuntary civil commitment grounds

This article presents results of a national U.S. survey of psychiatrists' views about legal grounds for involuntary civil commitment. Data from 739 Respondents revealed strong support for "danger to self," "danger to others," and "grave disability" as grounds, but weak support for "illness relapse." Psychiatrists did not support commitment for addiction to drugs or alcohol nor for sexual predators. Logit regression revealed few significant associations between Respondents' choice of grounds and other variables, such as race, employment setting, experience with commitment, and political climate of the state. Respondents' support for the various commitment grounds was found to be most significantly associated with what Respondents believed the law to be in their state; Respondents tended to support the grounds they believed to be the law. The reasons for the strong association between Respondents' beliefs and wants concerning commitment grounds is explored. It is suggested that Respondents have adopted their states' commitment grounds as their preferences through a process of internalization of norms. Implications of this hypothesis are discussed.     

Liberty without Equality: The Property-Rights Connection in a "Negative Citizenship" Regime

Why, in comparison with other liberal capitalist democracies, is the social welfare state so poorly anchored in American law and public discourse? Surely American political and social history have contributed much to the weakness of our “social state.” But law, too, has played a significant material, as well as ideological, role and has provided the terrain for much of our social development. This essay explores the particular contribution of the property-liberty nexus to the stunted development of positive liberty and social citizenship in the United States. It traces this connection from the natural rights and bourgeois Founders through several key conjunctures in American history, including Reconstruction, the New Deal, and the civil rights periods and compares some of the results with developments in Germany and the aspirations of American progressives. The essay contends that left and right alike have operated within a highly resilient and constricting framework that has made progress in the area of social citizenship both awkward and fragile. Although some possibilities for forward movement have always existed and still remain, the prospects for positive-liberty social-state law are not abundant: The master's house is not about to be taken down with his own tools.     

论行政法权利的确认与功能——以德国公权理论为核心的考察

行政法具有不同于私法的特殊构造,行政法总能确切地说明"谁应当依法行政",却经常对"谁有权要求依法行政"语焉不详。换言之,行政法上的权利义务具有"非对称性"。为准确描述私人在行政法律关系中的地位和作用,德国行政法上的权利(公权)学说经历了从"保护规范理论"到"新保护规范理论"的发展演进,而私人行政法权利的范围与内容也随之不断充实强化。目前,行政法权利的功能主要体现在两个方面:其一,行政法权利是行政主体调整、分配私人间冲突利益的思维手段或工具概念;其二,行政法权利是非行政直接相对人(第三者)行政诉讼诉权的基础和依据。     

自由主义宪政观评析——兼论宪政的核心价值

上世纪90年代中期之后,自由主义宪政观理论被大量介绍进中国,为相当部分学者接受。自由主义宪政观否定宪政的核心价值是民主,主张宪政的核心价值是国家权力的有限性,是保护个人自由。他们所说的个人自由的核心权域是私有财产自由,他们所说的国家权力有限性实质是以私有财产制度为基础的经济活动自治性,自由民主政体也不是所谓共和政体而具有鲜明利益色彩,当代自由主义者将个人自由的制度保障寄托于给司法注入政治功能。我们坚持民主是宪政的核心价值,实质就是要坚持大多数人民的利益至上,规范、限制国家权力只能主要依靠民主进行,违宪审查也只能在民主制度的大框架内运作。     

Imperium in Imperio and the Political Origins of the American Labor Conspiracy Doctrine

Many political essayists and judges writing in the early republic sought to circumscribe actions deemed oppressive and otherwise interfering with civil liberty. Associations seeking to advance a set of narrow interests at the expense of the public posed a threat to civil liberty. The way that threat was interpreted in the specific case of labor associations is the subject of this article. It was not the economic power of such entities that gave rise to indictments. Rather the political significance of "private confederacies" acting as an "imperium in imperio" was cited as the key threat to the new political order. Thus, Judge Levy in granting legitimacy to the American labor conspiracy laws did not cite common law precedent but his concern that "a new legislature consisting of journeymen shoemakers" would usurp the legitimate power "of our state legislatures."     

论马克思早期的自由观

自由是人类固有的权利.实现自由从来都是人类的理想.正因为自由是一种普遍精神,内在地具有自主性、客观性、能动性、选择性、历史性,以及自发地从事认识、实践和发明创造的性质,具有社会道德和多元价值的含义,因此马克思终生酷爱自由,憎恨剥夺人民群众自由权利的行为,把全部身心都奉献给无产阶级解放事业,以使人类获得真正自由的本性.     

Potential legal protection problems in the use of compulsory commitment in mental health care in Norway

Compulsory commitment in mental health care represents a dramatic infringement on an individual's life. In Norway, this deprivation of liberty is based on a professional medical assessment that does not require a court verdict. This article presents possible changes that may increase legal protection for the mentally ill. The concept of legal protection has at least two definitions: the state's protection of the individual's legal rights (including the right to health care) and the protection afforded to citizens from abuse and arbitrary actions by the state. Infringements on personal liberty without consent require such legal authority as is found in the Human Rights Conventions. These Conventions have precedence over national laws. Norwegian legislation is based on confidence in psychiatry as a profession. This confidence allows professionals to treat patients against their will. In some countries, initial court action is necessary before compulsory mental health care can be implemented. This should also be possible in Norway in most cases, with the exception of life-threatening situations.     

Invisible hand or fatherly hand? Problems of paternalism in the New Perspective on health

This article examines the charge that the "New Perspective" on health (as exemplified by the Lalonde Report in Canada, by Prevention and Health in the United Kingdom) represents an abandonment of liberal principles in favor of a collectivist and paternalistic role for the state. It looks first at the problems confronting modern health policy, and at the reasoning behind the New Perspective's approach. It then explores whether and how the charge of paternalism applies to that approach, and just what such a charge implies. The article concludes with a discussion of the "liberal paternalist" viewpoint towards health policy, a viewpoint that combines respect for individual liberty with an interest in taking effective public action to improve the health status of modern populations.     

Potentially dangerous behavior in the mentally ill: attitudes of journalists and medical students toward compulsory admission

Compulsory admission is a critical measure that may lead to stigmatization of patients. The authors investigated what medical students and journalists consider legitimate conditions for compulsory admission. The most frequently quoted conditions in both groups were violent attempts against others. About one third of each group considered continuous neglect as a reason. Students significantly more often than journalists advocated for civil commitment in the case of suicide attempts and violent attempts. Medical students with personal contact with mentally disordered persons advocated significantly more often for coercive measures in the case of suicide attempts. Comparing journalists and medical students having personal contact with mentally disordered persons revealed that medical students significantly more often supported commitment. Journalists displayed a more liberal attitude toward the mentally ill than did medical students.     

The effects of statutory change on the civil commitment of the mentally ill

Several states have revised their civil commitment statutes in recent years. A majority of the recent revisions reflect judicial directives to provide more explicit commitment criteria, but in some instances, criteria have been broadened in reaction to the difficulty of getting some individuals hospitalized under strict criteria. Such statutory changes have impacted considerably on both process and outcome of the civil commitment system. Adoption of explicit commitment criteria has resulted most visibly in substantial reduction of hospital admissions and census. The present study examines the impact of explicit changes in commitment criteria in Florida following the 1982 enactment of amendments to the Baker Act. A total of 80 commitment hearings are reviewed before and after the law took effect to determine procedural effects of the law on degree of defense counsel advocacy, client dispositions, and on the court's adherence to more explicit criteria. State hospital admissions, discharge, and census information is examined in order to identify the larger impact of 1982 statutory changes on the commitment system. Evidence from hearings and state data suggests that changes in the Florida law impacted significantly on both process and outcome of the civil commitment system. Clients referred to commitment hearings are more dangerous, and may represent a new hard-core group remaining after more explicit eligibility criteria are applied by local intake, and emergency detention facilities. State hospital admissions and census in Florida declined significantly following enactment of the 1982 law, consistent with findings from other states enacting similar statutory reforms. Implications for deinstitutionalization policy and administration are discussed.     

理性的国家与自由的消解——张君劢宪政思想评析

在近代中国自由主义思潮中 ,张君劢试图以理性为基础 ,在权力主义与自由主义 ,计划经济与自由经济政策之间求得一立国之中道 ,但最终在国家、民族利益面前 ,倒向国家权力主义 ,而个人自由则在其“修正的民主政治”与“计划经济”之中面临着消解的危险。     

The prediction of violent behavior during short-term civil commitment

The predictive validity of the clinical judgment of dangerousness in the context of short-term civil commitment was studied prospectively by comparing the behavioral scale ratings of both verbal and physical aggression between 37 persons committed on the basis of "danger to others" versus 31 persons committed on other grounds. No statistically significant difference was found between these two groups of detainees with regard to the levels of aggression measured during their approximately three-day detention. This finding is in agreement with abundant previous research which documents the inability of psychiatrists to accurately predict future dangerousness, prompting the author to suggest that the "dangerousness" criterion for civil commitment be rejected. Although society is unlikely to resurrect the broadly defined "in need of treatment" criterion because of its historically demonstrated ever present potential for abuse, the author suggests an alternative criterion for civil commitment which, in perhaps a more well-defined and more practical way, would allow the state to maintain its doctrine of parens patriae toward mental patients.     

The structure of civil commitment

The contents and provisions of civil commitment codes are shaped by a number of influences. This article examines those influences and categorizes them as either falling within the civil commitment system itself or as being external to that system. From an analysis of those internal and external influences, it is concluded that the structure of civil commitment is very much dependent upon the environment in which such laws operate and upon the intricate and integral relationship between civil commitment and other important forms of mental health legislation (incompetence to stand trial, the insanity defense, etc.).     

基本权利在特类民事行为领域的适用

"特类民事行为"即指与国家公权力有关联的民事行为。它主要适用于给付行政领域,可以分为两种类型:其一,国家以私法主体身份所为的民事行为,具体可以分解为3种形式。该类行为必须受到基本权利的限制,但这仅仅指向于其中的行政私法行为。而且,基本权利对该种行为的适用与对传统高权行政行为的适用不同,前者具有明显的层次性。其二,私人在传统公共行政领域所为的私法行为。该行为属于"公共行政民营化"中的第3种形式,即"实质民营化",主要集中在给付行政领域。该类行为要受到基本权利的约束。而且,应该受到法律保留原则的约束,但是,法律保留原则在该领域的适用和在秩序行政领域的适用具有本质的不同。     

The Liberal Polity,Criminal Sanction,and Civil Society

The article explores an intersection of moral psychology and political principles regarding criminal sanction. A liberal state cannot require that persons acquire certain states of character or lead certain specific kinds of lives; it cannot require virtue. Moreover, it would be wrong for the state to punish offenders in ways that damage their capacities for agency, and in ways that encourage vice. In the U.S. the terms and conditions of punishment often have deleterious effects on agential capacities, undermining the ability to reintegrate in civil society. Prison experience is often antithetical to maintaining or acquiring the dispositions of prudence, accountability, trust, and trustworthiness needed for participation in civil society, raising significant questions concerning the legitimacy of punishment.