A deterrence study of the death penalty in Illinois, 1933–1980

The study analyzes the effect of executions and the death penalty on homicides in Illinois. A forty-eight year time series (1933–1980 inclusive) is used as the basis for this analysis. The first series of results are presented in a graph of executions and homicides by year. A second portion of the analysis compares the mean homicide rates for three time periods—years with executions, years when the death penalty was allowed but no executions were performed, and years in which the death penalty was abolished by the U.S. Supreme Court. No notable differences in homicide rates were observed for these three eras. Finally, a regression analysis was performed which included a lag structure and several relevant controls. The deterrence measure (executions) made no contribution to the variation in homicide rates. Thus, the authors conclude that there is no deterrent effect for the death penalty on homicides in Illinois.     

Death penalty views in China, Japan and the U.S.: An empirical comparison

Many nations impose the death penalty, yet most of the literature on capital punishment has focused on Western nations, particularly the U.S. China and Japan are two retentionist nations. Based on the data collected in 2005, this study examined the level of death penalty support and views on capital punishment among college students from China, Japan, and the U.S. It was found that Chinese respondents reported the highest level of death penalty support, followed by Japanese and U.S. students. Respondents from China and Japan were more likely to believe in the deterrence value of capital punishment than their U.S. counterparts. Views on retribution differed among the respondents. U.S. students were most likely to feel that innocent people are sentenced to death. In multivariate analyses, deterrence was the strongest correlate of death penalty views among Chinese and Japanese respondents, followed closely by retribution. For both Chinese and Japanese students, the barbarity of government taking the life of a person was the strongest predictor for opposing the death penalty. For U.S. respondents, retribution was the strongest reason for supporting capital punishment and the barbarity of executions was the strongest reason for opposing the death penalty.     

VICARIOUS HOMICIDE VICTIMIZATION AND SUPPORT FOR CAPITAL PUNISHMENT: A TEST OF BLACK'S THEORY OF LAW*

This article examines the relationship between experiencing the homicide of a family member, friend, or acquaintance and the likelihood of support for capital punishment. Homicide victims'family and friends are often portrayed as strong advocates of the death penalty. Yet, the effect of vicarious homicide victimization on support for capital punishment has never been systematically examined, and in fact, Donald Black's theory of law suggests an inverse relationship between the two variables. Using data from the 1988 General Social Survey, this research tests hypotheses derived from Black's theory regarding the relationship among social intimacy, cultural status, and the use of law in response to conflict. Multivariate logistic regression models suggest that the experience of personally knowing a homicide victim significantly affects one's likelihood of support for the death penalty, but the effect of vicarious victimization varies for black and white respondents. The empirical patterns indicate that in addition to race, religious orientation and gender also play important roles in determining the relationship between vicarious homicide victimization and support for the death penalty.     

故意杀人罪的手段残忍及其死刑裁量——以刑事指导案例为对象的研究

故意杀人罪在死刑适用案件中占有较大比重,其死刑裁量对于减少和控制死刑具有重要意义。而手段残忍是司法实践中故意杀人罪死刑裁量的重要因素,并且独立于故意杀人罪的情节严重、情节恶劣以及后果严重等评价性用语。通过对十个被司法机关认定为故意杀人手段残忍的典型案例的探讨,可以认为故意杀人罪的手段残忍是指,在杀人过程中,故意折磨被害人,致使被害人死亡之前处于肉体与精神的痛苦状态。司法实践中存在着将故意杀人罪的手段残忍与情节严重、情节恶劣以及后果严重等评价性用语相混淆的现象,致使故意杀人罪的手段残忍内容宽泛,沦为一句法律套语。故意杀人罪的死刑裁量应当主要从案件性质、犯罪情节、犯罪后果、主观恶性和人身危险性等四个方面进行考量。     

CAPITAL PUNISHMENT AND LETHAL ASSAULTS AGAINST POLICE

This investigation provides a multivariate analysis of the deferrent effect of the death penalty on the rate of lethal assaults against the police. Examining statelevel data for the period 1961 to 1971, we hypothesize a significant inverse relationship between the rate of police killings and (1) the statutory provision for capital punishment and (2) the execution rate of convicted murderers. Contrary to the deferrence hypotheses, no support is found for the argument that the provision and use of the death penalty provides an added measure of protection for the police. Rather, variation in police killings rates, like the general homicide rate, would appear to be largely a function of various sociodemographic factors.     

HOMICIDE TRENDS IN ATLANTA

In recent years in Atlanta, homicide has been the most common cause of death in males 20–40 years of age. To study homicide trends in this city we analyzed data for 591 resident victims of criminal homicide in two time perid. 1961–1962 and 1971–1972. Large increases occurred in the homicide rates for both black and white residents. In both races, these rate increases could be accounted for almost entirely by homicides involving firearms Homicide rates for black and whites in 1971–1972 were highest in census tracts with low indices of socioeconomic status; this association was found only for homicides in which the victim and assailant were relatives or acquaintances. There was little geographic overlap between areas with high rates of homicide in the home and high numbers of homicides in public. Using population-based rates facilitates comparisons of homicide occurrence between time periods and/or places.     

HOMICIDE,STRUCTURAL FACTORS,AND THE RACIAL INVARIANCE ASSUMPTION*

Structural theories in criminology generally assume that the effects of structural conditions on homicide are the same for all race-groups. However, previous homicide research testing this assumption contains methodological shortcomings and has produced inconsistent findings. Therefore, the validity of the “racial invariance assumption” remains highly questionable. Using 1990 data for 125 U.S. cities, this study addresses some of the limitations of previous research in an effort to provide a more definitive examination of race differences in the effects of important structural factors on homicide rates. Contrary to the expectations of the structural perspective, the results from this study reveal substantial and statistically significant race differences. Specifically, the associations between homicide and several measures of socio-economic deprivation (e.g., poverty, unemployment, income inequality, female-headed households, deprivation index) are found to be stronger among whites than blacks. A primary implication of these results is that the current versions of many structural theories need revision in order to account for observed race differences in the effects of structural factors and to explain fully the black-white gap in homicide rates.     

THE SHORT‐TERM EFFECTS OF EXECUTIONS ON HOMICIDES: DETERRENCE,DISPLACEMENT, OR BOTH?*

Does the death penalty save lives? In recent years, a new round of research has been using annual time‐series panel data from the 50 U.S. states for 25 or so years from the 1970s to the late 1990s that claims to find many lives saved through reductions in subsequent homicide rates after executions. This research, in turn, has produced a round of critiques, which concludes that these findings are not robust enough to model even small changes in specifications that yield dramatically different results. A principal reason for this sensitivity of the findings is that few state‐years exist (about 1 percent of all state‐years) in which six or more executions have occurred. To provide a different perspective, we focus on Texas, a state that has used the death penalty with sufficient frequency to make possible relatively stable estimates of the homicide response to executions. In addition, we narrow the observation intervals for recording executions and homicides from the annual calendar year to monthly intervals. Based on time‐series analyses and independent‐validation tests, our best‐fitting model shows that, from January 1994 through December 2005, evidence exists of modest, short‐term reductions in homicides in Texas in the first and fourth months that follow an execution—about 2.5 fewer homicides total. Another model suggests, however, that in addition to homicide reductions, some displacement of homicides may be possible from one month to another in the months after an execution, which reduces the total reduction in homicides after an execution to about .5 during a 12‐month period. Implications for additional research and the need for future analysis and replication are discussed.     

The Death Penalty in Singapore: in Decline but Still Too Soon for Optimism

Singapore is one of the few countries in the world which still imposes the death penalty for certain criminal offences. Until recently, it was the mandatory sentence for murder, drug trafficking and use of firearms—and it is these three offences which comprise nearly all of the executions in Singapore. This article examines the use, historical origins and recent legislative and judicial developments in the death penalty in Singapore. While the number of executions has fallen to very low levels in recent years and changes to the law relating to the mandatory death penalty in murder and drug offences have been made, it is the opinion of the author that the death penalty will continue to be used in Singapore in the foreseeable future.     

Drug and alcohol use as determinants of New York City homicide trends from 1990 to 1998

In this population-level study, we analyzed how well changes in drug and alcohol use among homicide victims explained declining homicide rates in New York City between 1990 and 1998. Victim demographics, cause of death, and toxicology were obtained for all homicide (N = 12573) and accidental death victims (N = 6351) between 1990 and 1998 from the Office of the Chief Medical Examiner of New York (OCME). The proportion of homicide and accident decedents positive for cocaine fell between 1990 and 1998 (13% and 9% respectively); the proportion of homicide and accident decedents positive for opiates and/or alcohol did not change significantly. Changing patterns of drug and alcohol use by homicide victims were comparable to changing patterns of drug and alcohol use in accident victims, suggesting that changes in drug and alcohol use among homicide victims between 1990 and 1998 cannot solely explain the decline in NYC homicide rates.     

Race,Place, and Police-Caused Homicide in U.S. Municipalities

We test structural hypotheses regarding police-caused homicides of minorities. Past research has tested minority threat and community violence hypotheses. The former maintains that relatively large minority populations are subjectively perceived as threats and experience a higher incidence of police-caused homicide than whites do, the latter that higher rates of violent crime among minorities create objective threats that explain these disparities. That research has largely ignored some important issues, including: alternative specifications of the minority threat hypothesis; the place hypothesis, which maintains highly segregated minority populations are perceived as especially threatening by police; and police-caused homicide in the Hispanic population. Using data for large U.S. cities, we conducted total-incidence and group-specific analyses to address these issues. A curvilinear minority threat hypothesis was supported by the Hispanic group-specific findings, whereas the place hypothesis found strong support in both total and group-specific analyses. These results provide new insights into patterns of police-caused homicide.     

当代美国的死刑制度

美国最高法院在1972年曾经宣布暂停死刑执行,但是在1976年又恢复了死刑的执行,目前美国是唯一仍然保留并适用死刑的所谓西方文明国家。美国联邦系统和38个州的刑法都规定了死刑,可以适用死刑的罪行还比较多,但是罪名相对比较集中;死刑诉讼程序严格且复杂;相对于美国庞大的犯罪数字,尤其是暴力犯罪而言,其死刑判决和实际执行死刑数量仍属较低;美国死刑执行方式呈现为以注射方式为主多种执行方法并存的特点。美国死刑程序复杂但是死刑错判率仍然较高。     

Mexican‐American homicide in phoenix, 1980–1991: A comparative and descriptive analysis

Race and ethnicity has emerged as one of the most important variables in explaining differences in homicide perpetration and victimization patterns in the U.S. Most research on minorities and homicide has tended to focus exclusively on African‐Americans, while excluding other minority groups such as Native Americans, and Latinos. In this study we examine patterns of homicide among Mexican Americans in Phoenix from 1980 through June 1991. These patterns are compared to those displayed by non‐Latino African Americans, and non‐Latino whites in Phoenix for the same time period.     

Comparing Homicide‐Suicides in the United States and Sweden

Research on homicides followed by suicides has largely relied on very localized samples and relatively short time spans of data. As a result, little is known about the extent to which patterns within cases of homicide‐suicides are geographically specific. The current study seeks to help fill this gap by comparing twenty years of homicide‐suicide data for Sweden and a large U.S. county. Although some of the underlying patterns in the two countries are similar (e.g., decreasing rates), a number of important differences emerge, particularly with respect to incidence, weapons used, perpetrator age, and relationship of the perpetrator to the victim.     

Capital Sentencing In Kentucky, 2000–2010

The current study attempts to build upon previous analyses of capital sentencing in Kentucky and other states. Using data compiled from official court records compiled by the Kentucky Department of Public Advocacy, we examined death eligible homicide cases for the years 2000–2010 for the state (N?=?359). Multivariate analysis determined that the death penalty in Kentucky was sought 3.17 times or 217 % more when the victim is female. It also found that cases featuring a black defendant and a white victim were 56 % less likely to result in a plea than cases featuring other defendant/victim racial combinations. Despite legal requirements, Kentucky fails to collect data to assess the factors that influence the seeking and imposition of the death penalty. Paper presented at the Second Annual Forum on Criminal Law Reform in the Commonwealth of Kentucky on November 15, 2013 at the University of Kentucky Law School, Lexington, KY.     

Canadian firearms legislation and effects on homicide 1974 to 2008

Canada has implemented legislation covering all firearms since 1977 and presents a model to examine incremental firearms control. The effect of legislation on homicide by firearm and the subcategory, spousal homicide, is controversial and has not been well studied to date. Legislative effects on homicide and spousal homicide were analyzed using data obtained from Statistics Canada from 1974 to 2008. Three statistical methods were applied to search for any associated effects of firearms legislation. Interrupted time series regression, ARIMA, and Joinpoint analysis were performed. Neither were any significant beneficial associations between firearms legislation and homicide or spousal homicide rates found after the passage of three Acts by the Canadian Parliament--Bill C-51 (1977), C-17 (1991), and C-68 (1995)--nor were effects found after the implementation of licensing in 2001 and the registration of rifles and shotguns in 2003. After the passage of C-68, a decrease in the rate of the decline of homicide by firearm was found by interrupted regression. Joinpoint analysis also found an increasing trend in homicide by firearm rate post the enactment of the licensing portion of C-68. Other factors found to be associated with homicide rates were median age, unemployment, immigration rates, percentage of population in low-income bracket, Gini index of income equality, population per police officer, and incarceration rate. This study failed to demonstrate a beneficial association between legislation and firearm homicide rates between 1974 and 2008.     

Deterrence and the Death Penalty: Partial Identification Analysis Using Repeated Cross Sections

Objectives

Researchers have used repeated cross sectional observations of homicide rates and sanctions to examine the deterrent effect of the adoption and implementation of death penalty statutes. The empirical literature, however, has failed to achieve consensus. A fundamental problem is that the outcomes of counterfactual policies are not observable. Hence, the data alone cannot identify the deterrent effect of capital punishment. This paper asks how research should proceed. We seek to make transparent how assumptions shape inference.

Methods

We study the identifying power of relatively weak assumptions restricting variation in treatment response across places and time. We perform empirical analysis using state-level data in the United States in 1975 and 1977.

Results

The results are findings of partial identification that bound the deterrent effect of capital punishment. Under the weakest restrictions, there is substantial ambiguity: we cannot rule out the possibility that having a death penalty statute substantially increases or decreases homicide. This ambiguity is reduced when we impose stronger assumptions, but inferences are sensitive to the maintained restrictions.

Conclusions

Imposing certain assumptions implies that adoption of a death penalty statute increases homicide, but other assumptions imply that the death penalty deters it. Thus, society at large can draw strong conclusions only if there is a consensus favoring particular assumptions. Without such a consensus, data on sanctions and murder rates cannot settle the debate about deterrence. However, data combined with weak assumptions can bound and focus the debate.     

Gender differences in lethal violence: Historical trends in the relationship between homicide and suicide rates, 1960–2000

This study examines historical trends in the relationship between homicide and suicide rates and considers the extent to which gender differences exist in that relationship. From the perspective of the integrated homicide-suicide theory, gender differences in the homicidesuicide relationship stem from differences in the manner in which males and females attribute blame and responsibility for negative life events. Consistent with expectations, the data indicate that females engage in less homicide but in more suicide than males. Seemingly unrelated regression techniques were used to further examine gender differences in the relationship between homicide and suicide rates by analyzing U.S. data for 1960 through 2000. The results indicate more gender similarities than differences in that temporal trends in the production and direction of lethal violence for both males and females tend to be associated with similar social and economic factors.     

Fatal Firearm Injuries in Tennessee: A Comparison Study of Tennessee's Two Most Populous Counties 2009–2012

Firearm injuries are a leading cause of violent death in Tennessee. This study was designed to compare the demographic and epidemiologic features of fatal firearm injuries in Shelby County and Davidson County, Tennessee between 2009 and 2012. We identified 1081 gunshot fatalities for the study period in these two counties. Shelby County had a higher overall, age‐adjusted gunshot mortality rate, a higher male age‐adjusted gunshot mortality rate, and a higher age‐adjusted gunshot homicide rate than Davidson. Age groups 25–34 years and 35–44 years had higher crude mortality rates for gunshot deaths in Shelby County than Davidson County. Both counties had higher age‐adjusted gunshot mortality rates for black males than white males, higher homicide rate for black race than white, and higher suicide rate for white race than black. Homicide was the most common manner of death, and handguns were the most common type of firearm used in both counties.     

THE STRUCTURAL COVARIATES OF URBAN HOMICIDE: REASSESSING THE IMPACT OF INCOME INEQUALITY AND POVERTY IN THE POST-REAGAN ERA*

Numerous studies have explored the relationship between rates of homicide and income inequality and poverty. However, a general consensus on the theoretical and empirical connections among these variables has yet to be reached. This article reports the findings of a city-level analysis of this relationship, using 1990 data for the 190 largest cities in the United States. In order to address several methodological and theoretical concerns in prior literature, three separate measures of inequality and three categories of disaggregated homicide rates are analyzed. The results suggest that both inequality and poverty have significant and independent positive effects on rates of homicide in U.S. cities following the largest increase in the economic gap between rich and poor in our nation's history.