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华莹 《学理论》2009,(31):257-259
自我决定论是新近发展起来的一种认知动机理论,把人类的动机看成是一个从外在调节到内在动机的动态连续体。本文从应用型大学商务英语专业教学现状和需求出发,通过实证调查分析学生的主观需求和学习动机及其与成绩的关系,引入自我决定理论,对其动机分类及外在动机内化的条件进行探讨,多方位构建技术本科院校商务英语学科创新素质教育体系。  相似文献   

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The “rhetorical incorporation of human rights terminology” into domestic law is the central concern of this article. Over the last 20 years or so, countries have faced international pressure to conform to human rights standards in order to enjoy legitimacy. However, there is a huge gap between what is legalized as “human rights” in domestic laws and what is set forth as “human rights” in international human rights instruments. Based on this presupposition that a proper incorporation of human rights on the books is a prerequisite for putting them into practice, this study by adopting a Systems Thinking approach seeks to show that law as a soft system on the books is more than the name and number of rights. It is a complex whole whose function depends on not only the name and number of rights but also different features of rights and the relationships between them. To this end, law is conceived as a system of rights that has five major features including the “frame of reference,” “scope of rights,” “orientation of rights,” “enforceability of rights,” and “realizability of rights.” The way of codification of human rights with respect to each of these features makes a big difference in implementing human rights in practice. To develop a heuristic devise for evaluating the situation of human rights in current legal systems, the conceptual space of law as a system of rights is depicted in a matrix called a “Rights Fabric Matrix.”  相似文献   

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外来人口为当代中国城市经济社会发展做出了巨大贡献,然而却一直难以平等地享有与当地户籍居民均等的公民权利。通过"吸纳—供给"模型,可以揭示出超大城市外来人口公民权利建构的内在逻辑,为当代中国公民权利的平等建构提供可资借鉴的理论资源与现实依据。上海外来人口管理服务进程可划分为"前居住证阶段""居住证条件管理阶段""居住证积分管理阶段"等三个阶段,综合其演化轨迹,可提炼出超大城市外来人口公民权利建构的差序化逻辑体系,即从核心到边缘的非均衡吸纳逻辑、从破碎到完整的体系化供给逻辑以及从被动到主动的回应性赋权逻辑特质。  相似文献   

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For many years, scholars have sought to discover why governments in Western European parliamentary democracies frequently dissolve before the time constitutionally mandated for the holding of elections. Recent research has suggested the potential importance of unpredictable changes in the political environment for bringing about governmental dissolutions. Although not specifically described. the importance of ‘critical events‘ is suggested by both aggregate patterns of dissolutions and anecdotal accounts of particular governments. It is our purpose in this paper to develop further this critical evenrs perspective and evaluate empirically actual governmental histories in light of these developments. Two specific goals are pursued. First, we delineate categories of critical events, thereby grounding the concept of a critical event within existing knowledge of governmental stability. Second, we apply this categorical schema of events to the dissolution of Scandinavian governments during the years 1945–1980. In so doing, we seek not only to assess the adequacy of our conceptualization of events, but also to provide a theoretically and substantively accurate account of the death of modern Scandinavian governments.  相似文献   

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Cosmopolitan democracy is one of the most debated models of transnational democracy. As a result of his prominence in this field, David Held has attracted much of the criticism and approval of this position. The critique and comment aimed at cosmopolitanism in general, and Held's work in particular, has provoked cosmopolitan advocates to respond, restate and develop their arguments. However, despite its considerable merit, this debate remains largely theoretical, and little has been done in terms of studying the realisation of cosmopolitanism in real-world settings. This article contributes towards the debate concerning the possibility of its actual application by mapping the principles of cosmopolitan democracy in relation to the EU polity and the issue of gender equality. It argues that the EU articulates certain cosmopolitan-comparable principles, and by studying areas where they are clearly exhibited, such as the issue of gender, that this helps us to critically evaluate their practicability and enables a response to criticisms levelled at cosmopolitan democracy. This article addresses two specific criticisms. Firstly, in view of the justiciable qualities of EU law, and its ability to give rise to formal individual rights, it is argued that claims regarding the inherently fictitious nature of cosmopolitan rights are unfounded. Secondly, while acknowledging that civic engagement takes a principally legal mode in relation to the issue of gender, this article rejects the claim that cosmopolitan democracy neglects the political aspects of citizenship. However, cosmopolitan scholars must extend their understanding of the relation between rights and the wider aspects of citizenship engagement, if they hope to realise the vision of an active citizenry that remains central to the cosmopolitan project.  相似文献   

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In Liberia, much debate has surrounded the truth and reconciliation commission both in the challenges that it faced during its operational stage as well as in the issues surrounding the release and content of its report. This article will critically examine the establishment, proceedings, and findings of the Liberian Truth and Reconciliation Commission in order to draw conclusions regarding what lessons can be learned, what could have been done to make the commission more effective, and how we can learn from this example in applying transitional justice mechanisms for future African conflicts.  相似文献   

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In the Danish case, school segregation is recognized as a crisis of society, but it is also a crisis in the deeper sense that central actors disagree about in what sense it is a crisis. This raises the general questions: In what sense is school segregation a problem? What exactly is the crisis? Though these are partly normative questions, in Scandinavian contexts we can interpret them in light of the internal value‐commitments of society. Accepting this premise allows us to build on the empirically informed and philosophically rigorous work of Elizabeth Anderson according to which segregation should be viewed in light of the imperative of social integration. The demand for citizens’ equal participation in the main institutions of society is, according to her, already entailed immanently if a society is broadly commitment to democracy. Finding this immanent democratic approach to be insufficient considering widespread concerns with respecting parental freedom, this article discusses the more value‐integrative approach found in the political philosophical work of Hegel. According to this approach, our value‐commitments to both social integration and individual freedom can be integrated if central public institutions reflect a complex structure of recognition. On the basis of both of these two steps, the article suggests ways of understanding and tackling the crisis of school segregation in a Scandinavian setting.  相似文献   

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Journal of Chinese Political Science -  相似文献   

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Will Kymlicka has argued that 'democratic politics is politics in the vernacular'. Does this statement mean that democratic politics is impossible in a multilingual community, whether at the local, national, regional or global level? This paper discusses this assumption and maintains that democratic politics should imply the willingness of all players to make an effort to understand each other. Democratic politics depends on a willingness to overcome the barriers to mutual understanding, including the linguistic ones. Anytime that there is a community of fate, a democrat should search the available methods to allow deliberation according to the two key conditions of political equality and participation. If linguistic diversity is an obstacle to equality and participation, some methods should be found to overcome it, as it is exemplified by the Esperanto metaphor. The paper illustrates the argument with four cases of multilinguistic political communities: (1) a school in California with English-speaking and Spanish-speaking students; (2) the city of Byelostok in the second half of the nineteenth century, where four different linguistic communities (Polish, Russian, German and Yiddish) coexisted. This led Markus Zamenhof to invent Esperanto; (3) the linguistic problems of the Indian state and the role played by English – a language unspoken by the majority of the Indian population in 1947 – in developing Indian democracy; and (4) the case of the European Parliament, with 20 languages and a wealth of interpreters and translators.  相似文献   

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Over the past five years the Government of Rwanda has placed renewed emphasis on increasing the number of female military personnel and gender mainstreaming the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF). This article examines the efforts made by the RDF since 2007 to meet these strategic requirements and integrate women into the national security organ. It is suggested that, in spite of Rwanda's success in bringing women into the political sphere, women are still reluctant to join the military. It is argued that prevailing societal values and attitudes, conflicting narratives within official discourse about the role of women as security actors, resource constraints and the RDF's emphasis on ‘gender equality’ are barriers to achieving RDF goals. Drawing on in-depth interviews with RDF military personnel and government officials, as well as documentary research, the article first provides an overview of the Rwandan government's approach to mobilizing women to securitize the state, before examining how the RDF aims to progress the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda nationally and within local communities. The article then reflects on some of the factors that are hindering the recruitment and retention of female military personnel.  相似文献   

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The Nordic welfare states are based on a unique system of highly decentralized municipalities. However, in Denmark a discussion about merging municipalities has emerged. The discussion has kept within the framework of the classic dichotomy between capacity and proximity, or been limited to considerations of effectiveness versus democracy. The assumptions behind both arguments can be nuanced and problematized, and a new study, based on an extensive set of data, analyses the basic assumptions behind the argument of proximity. In accordance with earlier studies, it finds that participation is higher in small municipalities. However, municipal size does not affect citizens' interest in and knowledge of local politics. Nor does it affect citizens' perception of local politicians and their trust in local political decisions. This is surprising, given previous research in this area.  相似文献   

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The field of international relations has traditionally been dominated by a state-centric analysis of world politics, in which sovereignty is unequivocally tied to the Westphalian State. In recent literature, many international relations scholars have begun to question the primacy of the state and its relevance for understanding global politics. What remains to be analyzed is, if the Westphalian State is declining, where will sovereignty reside in the emerging post-Westphalian order? In order to address this question, this article will attempt to disaggregate sovereignty from the nation-state. The goal of this deconstructive exercise is to provide future international relations scholars with a more relevant conception of sovereignty and its possible impact on international relations studies. Only by engaging in this type of critical analysis can international relations scholars break out of their state-centric cocoon and progress towards a better understanding of the transforming global system.  相似文献   

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The limits of metaphorical argumentation make it difficult for "Hierarchism and the Organizational Forms of Emancipatory Politics" to engage the real, practical problems facing progressive thought and action. As insightful as it often is, the absence of a positive program confines the discussion to a critique of "hierarchism" whose utopian admiration of resistance for its own sake undermines the possibility of a more sustained political argument.  相似文献   

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Ecofeminism offers a useful yet limited framework through which to critique globalisation. Ecofeminism claims that the domination of women and of nature are intrinsically linked. Material ecofeminists, in particular, focus on the material conditions of women's lives locating the source of this twin domination in patriarchal capitalism. These ecofeminists provide insights into the impacts of globalisation on women but their analysis of the causes of globalisation are limited. They identify globalisation as an outgrowth of patriarchal capitalism, insisting on the primacy of gender as the determinant of social organisation and arguing that it is the dichotomy between production and reproduction that essentially defines capitalism. However, the rise of modern capitalism has been more convincingly described by those who focus on the domination of workers, the role of the market economy, and the enrolment of all sections of society through the propagation of the work ethic and the allure of consumerism.  相似文献   

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官僚制批判研究的新视角——一个文献述评   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
官僚制批判研究的视角并不统一,根据学科发展的前沿成果来回顾这一公共行政的核心问题,旨在厘清混沌、深化对基本概念的认识。学科式类型化能够凸显表象背后的理论价值,就对理想型官僚体制的批评和反思而言,后现代哲学、政策分析以及公共管理学等视角是公共行政学演进的最新成果。每一个学科视角在研究路径、兴趣焦点、学术事件、核心思想与学术贡献等方面存有各自的回答,尤其是多元的研究方法,即解构哲学、角色互动理论和新管理主义,使得对同一议题的争论呈现不同特色。基于学科最新知识的批判性研究,在不断修正理性官僚制局限的基础上,深化了社会科学对基本组织现象的理解和解释能力,为体察和审视政治、经济与社会领域的基本问题提供了富有启发性的理论结构。  相似文献   

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