Democratic reform between the extreme makeover and the reinvention of tradition: the case of the Netherlands

Democracy in the Netherlands, like in so many other Western countries, is under substantial reform pressure. The problem with the democratic system in the Netherlands, according to democratic reformers, is that it is out of step with the fast and major changes taking place in modern society. Champions of democratic reform in the Netherlands mostly look to sweeping, large-scale, and all-encompassing plans for democratic reform, achieving, however, little success. Major structural changes have been planned time and again, but eventually the institutional structure has remained largely the same. This article presents a critical analysis of the standard recipe that democratic reformers often prescribe – radical makeover – and outlines a viable alternative that can also be derived from the Dutch case – reinventing tradition. Reinventing tradition implies a mixture of change and preservation, of movement and counter-movement. It is, arguably, the only way for democratic reform to go, at least in a consensus democracy like the Netherlands. Dutch history demonstrates that large-scale blueprint reform runs a serious risk of non-implementation, and that small-scale adaptive tinkering, part of the incremental ‘reinvention of tradition’, can be significantly more successful as a reform strategy.     

布尔什维克党民主集中制的缘起

从历史的缘起看,民主集中制有多个版本。其中列宁版的布尔什维克党的民主集中制原则是从集中制中分化出来的,是个分析命题。而孟什维克更钟情于民主制,它所提出的民主集中制原则是个综合命题。列宁是在吸收包括孟什维克在内的批评者合理成分的基础上将集中制改为民主集中制的。可见,布尔什维克民主集中制思想中的民主与集中的关系绝非平行的并列关系,民主是对集中的限定和保障,集中制才是其主体和核心内容。     

Bushwhacking the Democratic Peace

The invasion of Iraq has been justified, ex post , as for the purpose of promoting the democratic peace. It does not, however, appear to have been a principal goal ex ante . Most democratic peace theorists, moreover, do not endorse democratic regime change by great-power external military intervention. Success is difficult to achieve (usually at high cost), and the conditions in Iraq were not promising even had the occupation been carried out more competently. Greater success in democratization has been achieved by UN peacekeeping operations, and by various regional international organizations using a variety of peaceful measures to ensure free elections, constrain authoritarian leaders, and empower democratic forces. International organizations, notably those whose membership is largely composed of democracies, are especially likely to succeed in promoting democracy.     

Foreign direct investment and the risk of regime transition in autocracies

Economic globalization and, in particular, foreign direct investment (FDI) have often been considered to be catalysts for economic reform and political liberalization. It is argued that openness to foreign investment spurs democratization by empowering pro-liberalization actors and undermining elite cohesion. This article explores and tests three alternative hypotheses linking FDI and autocratic regime survival. The liberalization hypothesis claims that FDI promotes democratization. The state-capture hypothesis suggests that FDI, by increasing the value of power, may raise the risk of an autocratic transition. Lastly, the stabilization hypothesis, contrary to the first two, claims that FDI can enhance dictatorships’ stability by opening new opportunities for distributing benefits to regime elites. The empirical analysis, covering about 100 countries for the time period 1970–2008, uses data on autocratic breakdowns and transition types to test the above hypotheses. The reported evidence does not support the liberalization or the state-capture hypothesis. FDI is found to reduce the likelihood of democratic transitions.     

Political Learning as a Catalyst of Moderation: Lessons from Democratic Consolidation in Greece

Utilizing over 100 interviews conducted with Greek political and military elites, this article offers a refinement of the process of political learning, believed to contribute to democratic consolidation by modifying individuals' beliefs about political goals and the best means to achieve them. Using the Greek case as an empirical test, this study confirms the democratization literature's claim that elites learn from singular catastrophic events. It offers a refinement, however, of specific lessons and the related behavioural change. Moving beyond the main conclusions of that literature, the article argues that learning can arise in a variety of ways and from varied experiences. Inductive trial-and-error learning stimulated by success can also play a key role as can slow and cumulative learning, which results from the accumulation of both positive and negative lessons, and can proceed in a two-step process of instrumental learning first, followed by more principled learning later. Learning thus sometimes takes a tangled course: elites take tentative steps, implement small policy changes, observe the effects of their actions, and learn from them as lessons accumulate, interact and slowly reinforce each other. Finally, learning does not always guarantee moderation and the adoption of democratic attitudes, tactics, and policies. As the article illustrates, the political learning process is often best characterized as highly contingent and complex.     

The press and political controversy: The case for narrative analysis

This paper introduces narrative analysis, a method for press criticism that relies on concepts drawn from nondeconstructionist literary criticism, to study questions about the political power of the media. Narrative analysis seeks to specify the range of compositional options available to journalists covering a particular topic and the conventional meanings associated with each option. In the case at hand, the paper identifies choices made by profilers of James A. Baker III, to affiliate their news stories with six genres of American political journalism. The genres are called celebrity, contest, image, passage, investigation, and crusade stories. Classifying news stories by genre shows, in this case, that media portrayals of authority figures are not as uniformly supportive or adversarial as, respectively, left‐liberal and neoconservative theorists of media power have contended.     

Diplomatic communication theory: Signals,channels, networks

The analysis of international or diplomatic communication is approached at three levels: channels (viz, dyads), signals‐messages (viz. international events‐intents), and networks (viz. international systems). Diplomatic channel theory utilizes an interpretation of the classical Shannon‐Weaver communication model and outlines a statistical information analysis of international events signals with empirical examples. Analysis of international mediation suggests several counterintuitive problems in information processing at the channel level. Diplomatic network theory distinguishes between three different communication structures: one‐to‐one, one‐to‐group, and one‐to‐subgroup. Each communication structure at the network level has characteristic complexity and channel requirements. The presence of nonlinear phenomena at both channel and network levels is emphasized, as well as asymmetries between conflict and cooperative interactions at the signal level.     

缅甸民主进程下中缅经贸合作分析

本文分析缅甸民主化进程对中国企业的影响。对今后中缅经贸合作提出了针对性的对策,主要有：发挥与缅甸接壤的区位优势、充分利用CAFTA和GMS的机制优势和缅甸皎漂港到我国瑞丽的通道优势、利用FTA原产地规则双向运作、加大本地化经营力度、做好公益事业、提高风险防范意识、积极利用新产生的机遇加强与缅甸的经贸合作等。     

人的安全保护与民主转型 ——基于阿富汗战争的考察

一些国家在由非民主体制向民主体制转型的过程中,往往遭遇各种暴力与冲突。由于人的安全得不到保障,新政府的信誉与合法性因此受到质疑,从而损害了民主转型的前景。阿富汗就是这方面的典型例子,特别是2009年的总统大选表明,恶劣的安全状况已经影响到民主的运作和信誉,这体现了一个困扰许多处于转型过程中的国家的困境：没有人的安全,就没有可靠的民主;转型中的发展中国家很容易在一种失序、动荡的过渡期中反复纠缠,民众的不安全与无效的政府成为一对相互催生的恶瘤。西方的武力干预容易推翻一个旧政权却很难塑造一个强有力的新政权,其造成的权力真空加剧了人的安全与民主转型之间的紧张。民主的价值不容否定,但民主应该在一个稳定的安全基础上去构建,无视人的安全去追求民主,可能反过来有损于真正的民主进程。人的安全视角表明：安全在价值序位上是高于民主的,也是民主生成的前提性条件;有一个能够保证人的安全的有效政府,是国家顺利实现民主转型的关键。     

Deadly foreign terrorism and the rank-ordered tournament for foreign press attention: implications for counterterrorism

Limiting the attention countries receive from the foreign press is thought to reduce the incidence of deadly foreign attacks, but by how much? We show that the incidence of deadly foreign terrorism increases as a nonlinear function of the level of foreign press attention states receive. As a result, the benefits of reducing foreign press attention to prevent deadly foreign terrorist attacks are uneven: some states stand to benefit more than others. Nevertheless, we also show that reducing press attention produces, at best, only minor reductions in the number of deadly foreign terrorist attacks states experience. These results suggest that reducing foreign press attention may not provide as much security as governments expect.     

蒙古“民主改革”十年述评

蒙古“民主改革”至今十年来,政治体制改革已经基本完成。多党存在和竞争的格局已经建立,政局发展将相对趋向平稳;经济上加速私有化,引发一系列社会矛盾,经济体制转轨步履维艰,经济复苏、发展充满荆棘;思想政治上推崇自由化,对蒙古人解放思想、放眼世界、更新观念起到一定作用,但各种意识形态泛滥,也造成民众无所适从,思想混乱。     

Probing the Democratic Peace Argument Using Linguistic Fuzzy Logic

Did disputes between non-great powers in the New World, 1816–1989, escalate to war if the disputes involved roughly equal sides or not? Metaphorically and practically, “balances of power” are about measurement, but many of the usual measures prove to be incorrect. Proper assessments of the balances of fighting power qualify counts of the material resources by considering the political-organizational capacity of the state to employ what is counted, the geopolitical location and logistics, and what bystander states might do if the dispute were to escalate. A modest correlation exists between rough equality in power capabilities and war, not peace, in the Americas, 1816–1989. A bare majority of the wars in the Americas from 1816 until 1989 were fought between equal sides, and equal disputants were thirteen times more likely to escalate to war than non-equals were. This relationship found among non-great powers is much less strong than the relationship found among the great powers.     

Investors,turbulence, and transition: Democratic transition and foreign direct investment in nineteen developing countries

Do profit‐seeking foreign direct investors value a country's transition to democracy? If they do, they should vote with their pocketbooks, resulting in a post‐transition increase in foreign direct investment flows. This study attempts to uncover links between transition to democracy and foreign direct investment (FDI) in Asia, Latin America, and the Caribbean, In doing so, it addresses existing arguments about connections between democracy and investor behavior. The regions examined have not only experienced democratic transitions, they also account for the majority of the increasing flow of FDI to the developing world. This research employs time‐series cross‐sectional (TSCS) economic and political data, using ordinary least squares with panel corrected standard errors. The central finding is that transition to democracy has a negative effect on FDI. Secondarily, political instability and higher levels of democracy also deter foreign direct investors.     

Democratization and the secularization of religious parties: the case of Mexico

Under what conditions does democratization erode religious political engagement? The dramatic democratic transitions in the Catholic world during the last quarter of the twentieth century have been accompanied by the widespread decline of Catholic political parties, but the interaction between democratizing reforms and the development of religious parties in the Catholic world remains poorly understood. This article analyses the crucial case of Mexico to explore if, how, and under what conditions electoral participation encourages the differentiation of religious and partisan activism. Relying on archival research and an original data set describing the religious linkages of 302 historic and contemporary leading members of the PAN, Mexico's largest Catholic-inspired party, this article shows that democratization is only indirectly linked to the secularization of religious parties, and its effects are conditional on the resources and opportunities available to religious activists.     

Critical Periods and Regime Type: Integrating Power Cycle Theory with the Democratic Peace Hypothesis

The critical question whether or not detente is a prologue to peace between the superpowers is seldom confronted with scientific rigour. The authors explore the hidden developmental set of assumptions which are built into the mainstream western view of the relations between deterence and detente and proceed to extrapolate these assumptions mathematically further. The results of the exercise suggest that detente will eventually lead to a stable peace but not before an indeterminate (probably long drawn out) process of rhythmical oscillation between several periods of detente and several periods of cold war.     

泰国政党模式的变迁与民主巩固

西方学者在界定民主巩固内涵时主要存在3种路径:政治制度路径、民主文化路径和多元综合路径。政治制度路径的理论家强调政党的作用,民主文化路径的理论家强调公民社会的作用,而多元综合路径则试图在两者之间折衷。1997年泰国宪法及之后的泰爱泰党的兴起为泰国第二波民主化之后的民主巩固创造了条件。然而,泰爱泰党并没有专心于群众型政党的建设,而跨越式地去学习全方位政党、卡特尔政党和商业公司型政党的经验和特征。这一学习模式在促使泰爱泰党迅速崛起的同时,也埋下之后在喧嚣中退场的隐患。泰爱泰党的政党学习实践反映出后发国家的一种学习困境,也揭示了政党模式的次序变迁与民主巩固之间的密切关联。     

民主治理与民主巩固——东南亚国家的政治发展困境

东南亚国家独立初期"民主试验"的失败及现阶段民主制度的"危机"和民主制度本身并没有本质的、必然的联系,民主制的发展困境是由于与民主制度相适应的民主治理方式未能有效建立,治理方式不能与民主体制相适应造成的。从"统治"到"治理"不仅是一种范式的变迁,也是国家治理方式的转换。未来东南亚国家的民主巩固进程将是一个艰巨的"双重民主化"进程即实现政治体制和管理方式的双重转型。     

Privacy,the news media,and the courts

Abstract

This article is concerned with the conflict between the news media's position that the public has a ‘'right to know'’ under the free press provision of the First Amendment and the right to privacy under the tort law. The constitutional issue is raised whenever the media print or broadcast accurate, but often embarrassing, facts about a person, or whenever personal information is publicized which an individual prefers not to share with the general public.

In unwanted publicity and public disclosure cases, the courts have accorded greater weight to the defendant defenses of consent, news‐worthiness, and media privilege than to the plaintiff's invasion of privacy claim. To remedy this inequity, a two‐tier judicial model is proposed that would have courts balance the two competing interests in such a manner as to enhance individual privacy without diminishing the informational function of the news media.     

Democratic theory and practice: An evolving discourse

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QUANGOs and Local Government: A Changing World edited by Howard Davis. London and Portland, OR: Frank Cass, 1996. Pp.104. £25 (hardback). ISBN 0 7146 4735 7

Extraordinary Politics: How Protest and Dissent are Changing American Democracy by Charles C. Euchner. Boulder, CO: Westview press, 1996. Pp.xiv + 290. £51.50 (hardback); £14.95 (paperback). ISBN 0 8133 2905 1 and 2906 X.

Rethinking Local Democracy edited by Desmond King and Gerry Stoker. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996. Pp.x + 254. £40 (hardback); £12.99 (paperback). ISBN 0 333 63852 2 and 63853 0

Local Democracy and Local Government edited by Lawrence Pratchett and David Wilson. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996. Pp.xii + 266. £37.50 (hardback); £11.99 (paperback). ISBN 0 333 66432 9 and 66433 7

Social Democracy in a Post‐Communist Europe edited by Michael Waller, Bruno Coppieters and Kris Deschouwer. London: Frank Cass, 1994. Pp.xii + 203. £30 (hardback); £15 (paperback). ISBN 0 7146 4522 2 and 4092 1     

Pathways of Islamist adaptation: the Egyptian Muslim Brothers’ lessons for inclusion moderation theory

The Muslim Brothers’ transition from religious movement to majority-seeking party in Egypt’s post 2011 democratic experiment offered a key test of the inclusion-moderation hypothesis. While the MB’s increasing religious and organizational conservatism at new electoral thresholds appears to challenge the hypothesis, I argue that it was the result of strategic adaptation based on functional alternative interpretations of political opportunity that did not require a trade-off between power-seeking and expressive goals, constrained by prior pathways of electoral adaptation, and shaped by the ambiguous political incentives of democratic transition. This article shows that the MB, like other religious parties, has alternated between strategies for electoral adaptation, challenging expectations of linear evolution; that majority-seeking sometimes encourages intra-movement dynamics that are radicalizing as well as moderating; and shows that expressive goals and identity remain important to religious parties even in office, and make some paths of adaptation more attractive while precluding others. While the case affirms the relevance of political learning mechanisms predicted by inclusion-moderation theory, the divergent outcomes of this learning suggest the need to focus on the contexts and motivations that set movements along one of multiple possible adaptive pathways.