Bringing direct democracy back in: toward a three-dimensional measure of democracy

Most procedural definitions and measurements of democracy are missing one crucial component: direct popular decision-making. This is an important gap that does not allow users of data to ascertain some important variation among democracies. Thus, I propose a new measure that is strongly anchored in a procedural definition of democracy but includes this missing dimension. The proposed measure is well rooted in the literature and introduces a dimension whereby citizens may become the masters of their political fate at any time and without the consent of elected authorities, while avoiding the inclusion of extraneous attributes that are not highlighted in democratic theory. Tests of the validity of the new indicator, using Latin American cases, show that there is enough room for its inclusion without the typical collinearity problems this literature faces. This indicator is not only sound, but it is empirically appealing as it performs better than others when testing relevant hypotheses.     

Going beyond the Roman dictator: a comprehensive approach to emergency rule,with evidence from Latin America

The aim of this article is to contribute to the debate on emergency rule, a practice that democratic theory has struggled to conceptualize. Accordingly, this article differs from existing approaches, which mainly focus on the constitutional design of regimes of exception and tend to identify the institution of the Roman dictator as their source. In contrast, we offer a comprehensive approach, considering other historical sources of emergency rule, going beyond the dichotomy of constitutional and de facto emergency, and focusing specifically on the types of emergency powers involved: executive, legislative and judicial. We propose a different way of conceptualizing emergency rule, following a political rather than a constitutional logic, and we illustrate this different conceptualization by offering evidence from Bolivia, Chile and Guatemala to demonstrate how this comprehensive approach works in practice.     

A comparative analysis of microfinance and conditional cash transfers in Latin America

This paper addresses the question of whether microfinance and conditional cash transfers can be effective in alleviating poverty in the Latin American region, and provides a comprehensive assessment of each of these programmes using data and evaluation reports from 19 countries in the Latin American region, analysed in the context of six operational and impact criteria. The research shows that microfinance may be better suited for those living on US$2 per day or higher, while conditional cash transfers may be more beneficial for those living in extreme poverty. Neither programme offers a ‘magic bullet’ solution for poverty eradication, but they can provide positive outcomes when prescribed in combination.

Une analyse comparative du microfinancement et des transferts conditionnels d'argent en Amérique latine

Ce document se penche sur la question de savoir si le microfinancement et les transferts conditionnels d'argent peuvent être efficaces au moment d'atténuer la pauvreté et il fournit une évaluation complète de chaque programme, en utilisant des données et des rapports d'évaluation provenant de dix-neuf pays de la région, analysés dans le contexte de six critères opérationnels et relatifs à l'impact. D'après les résultats des recherches, il est possible que le microfinancement convienne mieux à ceux qui vivent avec 2 dollars EU par jour ou plus, tandis que les transferts conditionnels d'argent pourraient profiter davantage à ceux qui vivent dans des conditions de pauvreté extrême. Aucun de ces deux types de programmes ne fournit une solution « balle magique » pour l'éradication de la pauvreté, mais ils peuvent donner des résultats positifs lorsqu'ils sont prescrits en tandem.

Uma análise comparativa de microfinanças e transferências condicionais de dinheiro na América Latina

Este artigo busca examinar se as microfinanças e as transferências condicionais de dinheiro podem ser eficientes para aliviar a pobreza e oferece uma avaliação abrangente de cada programa utilizando dados e relatórios de avaliação de dezenove países da região, analisados no contexto de seis critérios operacionais e de impacto. A pesquisa mostra que a microfinança pode ser mais adequada para aqueles que vivem com US$2 por dia ou mais, enquanto que as transferências condicionais de dinheiro podem ser mais benéficas para aqueles que estão vivendo em condições de pobreza extrema. Nenhum programa oferece uma solução “mágica” para a erradicação da pobreza, mas eles podem oferecer resultados positivos quando prescritos em conjunto.

Un análisis comparativo de las microfinanzas y las transferencias de efectivo condicionadas en América Latina

Este ensayo analiza si las microfinanzas y las transferencias de efectivo condicionadas pueden contribuir a la reducción de la pobreza y ofrece una evaluación completa de las dos modalidades. Utiliza para ello datos e informes de evaluación de 19 países de la región y analiza los resultados a la luz de seis criterios operativos y de impacto. La investigación demostró que las microfinanzas pueden funcionar mejor para las personas que sobreviven con US$2 o más por día, mientras que las transferencias de efectivo pueden beneficiar más a las que viven en extrema pobreza. Ninguna modalidad es por sí misma una solución para erradicar la pobreza pero pueden producir resultados positivos si se les da un uso combinado.     

Political leadership and the construction of competitive authoritarian regimes in Latin America: implications and prospects for democracy

Recent developments have raised new concerns regarding the prospects of democracy in Latin America, particularly in what are often defined, although not unanimously, as cases of competitive authoritarianism, including Bolivia, Ecuador, Venezuela, and Nicaragua. In light of their significance and diffusion on a global level, understanding how these regimes emerge is important, especially when they replace democratic or imperfectly democratic regimes such as in the cases examined in this study. What explains the emergence of competitive authoritarian regimes (CARs), particularly when the starting point is democratic or imperfectly democratic? What are the region’s democratic prospects after the emergence of various CARs in the last two decades? Through the comparative analysis of competitive authoritarian attempts in Bolivia, Ecuador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Venezuela, I argue that the same passages and challenges required to transform a democratic regime into a CAR makes incumbents' features and strategies particularly important, especially the ability to weather potentially lethal institutional crises and limit the legitimacy costs associated with competitive authoritarian manipulations. Incumbents have proved more successful in these challenges and hence in their competitive authoritarian attempts when combining charisma and the elaboration of a democratic discourse including the diffusion of new democratic values.     

Informal interference in the judiciary in new democracies: a comparison of six African and Latin American cases

This article focuses on the efforts of power holders – at the executive or the legislative level – to influence or curb court activity informally or extra-legally, an acknowledged but under-researched topic in studies of judicial politics. We first define informal judicial interference and operationalize the concept; we then explain how we collected information on the topic through systematic cross-country interviewing. Our concept focuses on judicial intervention actions exercised by political actors once judges are on the bench. We distinguish these actions according to type – direct or subtle – and further differentiate each type according to six different modes. We provide new empirical data on informal interference in six third-wave democracies, three in Africa (Benin, Madagascar, and Senegal) and three in Latin America (Argentina, Chile, and Paraguay). Our empirical findings, first, confirm the importance of informal practices in shaping political-judicial relations. Second, they point to long-standing legacies and to the level of socio-economic development as possible explanations for different performances in terms of the prevalence and severity of informal interference in the judiciary in these newly established democratic regimes