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1.
Summary

Voltaire and the ‘Glorious Revolution’ of 1688

From the start of his career Voltaire was pro‐English. Britain was for him the country of a ‘sage liberté’ which was the beneficial result of the civil wars. His contacts with the British community in Paris and the exiled Lord Bolingbroke help explain why he sought refuge in London after his imprisonment and his subsequent passion for English institutions. Voltaire's view of institutions was not always very accurate; he only saw the positive side and, intentionally or not, concealed a great deal. The religious foundation of the English character escaped him, as did the agrarian problems. For him the regime of 1689 constituted a constitutional ideal; the balance it achieved was a perfection to whose defects he was blind.

Voltaire had always been split between his admiration for the English system and his respect for the ‘enlightened’ work of Frederick the Great and Catherine Il. He inclined, especially towards the end of his life, towards England. He was one of the originators of a current, still very much alive in France, of an anglophilia of the left’. But the undeniable weakness in Voltaire's thought was his failure ever to ask how far the representative government he so admired was capable of being practised by the French.  相似文献   

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The article has two objectives: First, pursuant to the recent papers on a “sociology of (e)valuation,” an extension of Bourdieusian field theory will be presented, which reacts to three problems with this theory that were expressed in the critical reception: the immanent tendency to emphasize reproduction more strongly than transformation; the disregarding of technology; and the simple dualism of cultural and economic logic. To begin with, a dynamization of the research program will be undertaken, in that fault lines and transformation dynamics will be revealed that could lead to the invalidation of Pierre Bourdieu’s strict homological assumptions. Following up on that, it will be shown how technology, which was neglected by Bourdieu, can become an (external) factor that causes fundamental changes in fields. Finally, in connection with Jörn Lamla’s reflections on “cultural capitalism” and through a differentiation of the concept of the instance of consecration, a level of analysis will be specified on which the transformation dynamics under discussion can be observed. Secondly, the successful integration of technology in new forms of consecration in the field of pop music will be examined. On the basis of the reaction of classical pop-music journalism to the new value assignment instances that have arisen through digitalization, it can be shown that the challenge arising from new forms of consecration results in negotiatory processes in the field of pop music journalism in which various repositionings in the relationship of cultural and economic logics appear.  相似文献   

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The European Union wants the “European Research Area” to become a process with its own competitive dynamics between national academic traditions and the global hegemony of US research. At first glance, such a Europeanization of Higher Education is vertically posited by the EU Research Framework Programmes. In addition and beyond that, the European Research Council (ERC) establishes a genuinely European academic logic fueled by strategies aimed at scientific autonomy. It does so by creating competition in accordance with meritocratic rules of academic legitimacy. As a result, both governance-oriented and critical idealist elites actively relate to the ERC as a European institution and bestow it with the ability of consecrating academic excellence. As a consequence, they contribute to the discursive construction of a European order characterized by a symbolic and material integration of elites, the opening up of national fields and the primacy of economic competition.  相似文献   

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Mitteilungen und Berichte

Preis der Fritz Thyssen Stiftung für sozialwissenschaftliche Aufs?tze des Zeitschriftenjahrgangs 1998  相似文献   

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The article deals with recent developments in the field of biopolitics, which may lead to a fundamental change in the relationship between medicine, society and the individual. While the social scientific debates evaluated these developments rather controversial, there seems to be a tacit consensus regarding the homogeneity of the biopolitical field: its dynamics is interpreted either in terms of a biologisation and naturalisation of social life or in terms of increasing individual self-determination and of the emerging new forms of biosociality. This opposition is, however, ignoring the fact that, within biopolitics, we are rather facing different and heterogeneous social and technological dynamics. To comprehend this complexity, we are discerning four biopolitical dynamics: the extension of medical diagnosis, the extension of therapies and medical technologies, the detemporalisation of illness and the direct enhancement of human nature. These dynamics are not only questioning well-established conceptions of human nature, but tend to affect or even undermine the distinctions between health/illness and therapy/enhancement. In our conclusion, we are addressing the question of possible social limits to these tendencies of biopolitical transgressing of boundaries.  相似文献   

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法语第二外语教学长期以来都是以所用的教材来决定上课的内容和形式,而较少考虑到学生的学习动机以及他们对法语课的需求和期待,上课的气氛比较单调和沉闷。本文采取问卷调查的方法,主要对财经类院校学生学习法语的动机进行分析,研究这一特殊教学对象的学习需求和期待,以便更好地为他们提供相适应的教学内容和形式。  相似文献   

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Der Beitrag geht der Frage nach, wie national unterschiedliche politökonomische Institutionen die Leistungskraft entwickelter Marktwirtschaften beeinflussen und ob institutionelle Komplementaritäten in der Makroökonomie existieren. Der Ansatz der ?Spielarten des Kapitalismus“ behauptet, dass es diese Komplementaritäten gibt und sich die Länder entsprechend dem in den ökonomischen Sphären vorherrschenden Modus der Koordination in klare Gruppen unterscheiden lassen. In dem Artikel werden die Kernaussagen des Ansatzes einer Reihe von empirischen Tests unterzogen, die auf einer zusammenfassenden Analyse einer Reihe von Fallbeispielen beruht, Die empirischen Ergebnisse bestätigen die Annahmen in überzeugender Weise. Dieliberalen undkoordinierten Marktwirtschaften variieren systematisch entsprechend dem relativen Verhältnis zwischen marktförmiger und strategischer Koordination. Institutionelle Komplementaritäten finden sich in beiden Typen, und sie bringen gesamtwirtschaftliche Leistungszuwächse hervor. Abschließend werden die Muster des institutionellen Wandels in den entwickelten politischen Ökonomien analysiert und einige politische Implikationen der Befunde diskutiert.  相似文献   

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《法国研究》2000,(1):140-142
“在我们如风的脚步下,婚姻之路上有时会出现一些尖利的小石子。而我最大的愿望就是我俩的脚步声一直响到生命的黄昏”。这是一位法国友人在庆祝他结婚十周年时讲的一段话。他怀着对妻子的一片深情,追忆了早年两人相识、奋斗的历程。在此我们根据他本人的要求隐去其姓名。  相似文献   

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本文主要分析左拉名著《萌芽》中人物的兽性化,以及导致人物兽性化的重要因素:环境与遗传影响。在作者笔下,两者犹如厄运,书中人物变成其牺牲品。同时,本文通过小说作者把人视为兽的描写,试图揭示作者对罢工者的看法,其创作手法的用意。  相似文献   

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1929-1933年爆发的经济危机迅速由美国影响到整个资本主义世界,使美国及世界经济遭受重创.这对世界局势产生了重要的影响,并且也改变了美国的国内和国际环境.而苏联经济却在此期间取得较快的发展,在世界经济中的地位也得到了提升.苏美两国面对经济危机的局势以及世界政治局势的变化,开始在摩擦中寻求改善两国关系的途径以应对变化了的国内外形势,最终两国在隔绝了16年之后确立了正常的国家关系.  相似文献   

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In interdisciplinary and sociological research on Europe, Euro-centric modernization premises are still dominant, i.e, the explanation of the European multi-level regime on the basis of transnational spill-over mechanisms originating from modernizing national societies in Europe. In contrast, this article will outline an inter-civilizational multiple modernities approach to Europe, based on the work of Shmuel Eisenstadt. Such an approach needs to focus on: 1. the multiplicity of modernization trajectories and modernities, particularly in view of the transformation processes in postcommunist Central and Eastern Europe; 2. the international and inter-civilizational relations and encounters between European and non-European civilizational complexes; and 3. the global role of Europe and the global impact on Europe in a globalizing world. Only in considering such an inter-civilizational and global context is it possible to adequately conceptualize, analyze and explain the dynamics of the European integration and enlargement process.  相似文献   

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This study explains the intellectual history and ideology of the Turkic insurgency and the East Turkestan Republic in Kashgar in 1933–34. Texts in periodicals from the period suggest that the insurgency was defined by its intellectual elites more as a nationalist enterprise than as a religious one. The insurgency's ideologists established important national attributes of the East Turkestani nation, particularly its national name, homeland, symbology, and history, and they also articulated East Turkestani national interests, particularly political independence, representative government, and modernization. Regardless of the arguably low degree of social penetration of the ideas of the elites among common society and the small extent to which policy was actually implemented, the intertwining of East Turkestani national identity and interests with political self-government and modernization was an ideological concept that had a profound impact on all subsequent administrations in Xinjiang.  相似文献   

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Der vorliegende Aufsatz entwickelt eine makrosoziologische Strategie zur Erklärung eliminatiorischer ethnischer Säuberungen. In einem ersten Schritt wird gezeigt, dass Ansätze, die den Staat oder eine schwache Zivilgesellschaft als zentralen Erklärungsfaktor heranziehen, der historischen Vielfalt und Komplexität der zu erklärenden Ereignisse nicht gerecht werden. Vielmehr ist eine präzise Analyse politischer Akteure und Akteurskonstellationen erforderlich. In einem zweiten Schritt wird in der Form einer Typologie das theoretische Möglichkeitsfeld politischer Konstellationen ethnischer Gruppen abgesteckt, wobei Multikulturalismus und Genozid die Extrempole der Typologie markieren. Im dritten und umfangreichsten Teil des Aufsatzes wird schließlich in Form einer fünfstufigen weltgeschichtlichen Periodisierung eine historisch-vergleichende Strategie zur Erklärung ethnischer Säuberungsprozesse skizziert. Dabei wird deutlich, wie die Faktoren Sprache, Religion und Territorialität (Provinz) bei der politischen Formierung konkreter ethnischer Akteurskonstellationen so zusammenwirken, dass das gesamte zuvor entwickelte typisierende Möglichkeitsfeld historisch abgedeckt wird.  相似文献   

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Summary

In 1791 there were published eight weeklies and one fortnightly in the British North American colonies which, in 1867 and the following years, united to form the Canadian confederation. The British newspapers served them all as principal sources of information about the events in Europe. The positive and sympathetic press reports in Great Britain relating to the momentous changes in Poland, which were introduced with the adoption of the 3 May 1791 Constitution by the Diet, were thus also ‘echoed’ in Canada. These ‘echoes’ notwithstanding, judging by the scope of press coverage, which started on 4 July 1791, as well as by some editorial comment, it can be concluded that there also existed a genuine interest in Canada about the progress of the peaceful Polish ‘revolution,’ which contrasted so sharply with the bloody strife in America and France.  相似文献   

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The article discusses the development, meaning and theoretical context of both Robert Merton’s concept of “opportunity structure” and the concept of “life-chances” that he took up from Max Weber. In order to analyze crucial social conflicts, I argue that both concepts should follow along the lines of conflict theory. While they converge in terms of meaning, we need different theoretical strategies to make their analytical and explanatory power explicit. First, a reinterpretation of the concept of opportunity structure shows that social actors might reduce others’ access to options while realizing their own aims; second, life-chances should be put again in a Weberian perspective for two reasons. On the one hand Weber already conceptualizes them in the context of social struggles, on the other hand he shows that the mechanism of social closure helps to understand how people exclude others from life-chances by monopolizing resources.  相似文献   

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