首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 0 毫秒
1.
SUMMARY

In this article Duncan Sutherland examines a subject that has been almost entirely ignored by British constitutional historians, the admission of women to the House of Lords. There had always been hereditary peeresses, their status as peeresses did not confer the right to sit in the House of Lords. The womens' suffrage movement had ignored the issue, and attempts to use the right of women to sit as MPs in the Acts of 1918 and 1919 to entitle peeresses to sit in the Lords failed. So did subsequent attempts to have them admitted by legislation: the political parties did not see it as an important issue, and it was inextricably mixed up with the wider question of general reform of the House of Lords. Only after the creation of life peerages, after 1958, were women admitted to the House, and even then the hereditary peeresses had to wait until 1963 for admission. The article concludes by considering the kinds of arguments advanced for continuing the exclusion of women. The long delay, in light of the feebleness and inconsistencies of the case for continuing the exclusion of women, seems to indicate the low importance that the political Establishment attached to the issue.  相似文献   

2.
3.

Mizh—A Monograph. By Sir Evelyn Howell, K.C.I.E., C.S.I. Published by Government of India Press, Simla, 1931.

The Culture and Art of India. By Radhakamal Mukerjee. Published by George Allen and Unwin. 1959. Pp. 447. 55 illustrations. 50s.

Sources of Indian Tradition. Compiled by Wm. Theodore de Bary, Stephen Hay, Royal Weiler, Andrew Yarrow. Columbia University Press, New York, and Oxford University Press, London. Pp. 961. Indexed. U.K. price 55s.

Foundations of Tibetan Mysticism. By Lama anagarika Govinda. Published by Rider and Co., 1959. Pp. 310. Index, bibliography. 30s.

The Revolt in Tibet. By Frank Moraes. Macmillan Co. of New York. 1960. Pp. 223. (Price not given.)

The Naked Hills. Tales of Afghanistan by Charles Beardsley. Peter Davies. Pp. 275. 16s.

Riding to the Tigris. By Freya Stark. John Murray. 21s.

Ottoman Imperialism and German Protestantism, 1521–1555. By Stephen A. Fischer‐Galati. O.U.P. for Harvard University Press. 1959. Pp. viii +140. 32s.

The Soviet Union and the Middle East. By Walter Z. Laqueur. Routledge and Kegan Paul, London. Pp. x + 360. Index. 35s.

A Political Study of the Arab‐Jewish Conflict. The Arab Refugee Problem. By Rouy E. Gabbay. Published by Librairie E. Droz, Geneva. Bibliography, index. Pp. 611. Swiss Frs. 50.

History and Tribes of Jordan. By F. G. Peake. Published by University of Miami Press. Pp. 253. Maps.

Lebanon in the Last Years of Feudalism, 1840–1868. A contemporary account by Antūn Dahir al‐'Aqiqi, and other documents translated by Malcolm H. Kerr. Published by the American University of Beirut, 1959. Pp. 159. Index.

Sun and Shadow at Aswan. By Herbert Addison. Chapman and Hall. 1959. Pp. 166. 18s. Indexed and illustrated.

Bankers and Pashas. International Finance and Economic Imperialism in Egypt. By David S. Landes. Heinemann. 1958. Illustrated. Pp. 344. 30s.

The Tales of Marzuban. Translated from the Persian by Reuben Levy. Thames and Hudson. Pp. 254. 25s.

Human Relations Area Files Incorporated. Subcontractor's Monograph. Afghanistan. Edited by Donald N. Wilber (1956). 2 vols. Indexed. 460 and 842 pages.

The Foundation of Dutch Power in Ceylon, 1638–1658. By K. W. Goone‐wardena. Under the Auspices of the Netherlands Institute for International Cultural Relations. Amsterdam, Djambatan. 1958. Pp. xx+196. Maps and illustrations. Dfl. 30 (57s.).

Dutch Power in Ceylon, 1658–1687. By S. Arasaratnam. Under the Auspices of the Netherlands Institute for International Cultural Relations. Amsterdam, Djambatan, 1958. Pp. xxii + 246. Maps and illustrations. Dfl. 32 (60s.).

The Junkman Smiles. By G. R. G. Worcester. Chatto and Windus, London. Pp. 254. 8 Plates, drawings and map by the author. 21s.

Chinese Art and Culture. By Rene Grousset. Published by André Deutsch. 55s.  相似文献   

4.
Fluctuations in the presence of dynastic politicians in national legislatures are seen as an important indicator of political modernisation. Drawing on original biographical details of Greek Members of Parliament (MPs) from the six most recent parliamentary terms, we document the existence of a substantial and relatively stable pool of dynastic MPs. Their numbers only appear to shrink, albeit not too dramatically, in the 2012 elections, which also marked the collapse of the traditional party system. Findings highlight patterns of stability that have remained unnoticed under more visible shifts in party competition during the economic crisis.  相似文献   

5.
6.
The Romioi–Armenian friendship, which emerged after the signing of the Armistice of Mudros in October 1918, portrays a unique chapter in the history of Romioi–Armenian relations. During this distinct period, the two communities forged strong bonds over their mutual opposition against the Ottoman state. They drafted common political plans and strategies, established friendship organizations in Istanbul, organized gatherings, and the Armenian and the Ecumenical Patriarchates even entered into a discussion to unite the two churches. Thus, the relationship between the Armenian and the Romioi communities during the Armistice period holds significance in the broader context of the history of Greek–Armenian relations. This article explores the extent of the Romioi–Armenian friendship during the Armistice period through an extensive collection of primary sources including Armenian and Ottoman Turkish newspapers in order to demonstrate how the community leaders worked to improve relations between the Armenian and Romioi communities.  相似文献   

7.
8.
While a significant amount of work has recently been conducted on the procedure and practices of the pre-1707 Scottish Parliament, remarkably little is known about the nature of local representation within the chamber. This article seeks partially to address that gap through detailed analysis of the elected representation of one region – the Scottish Highlands – within the seventeenth-century Parliament. Considering attendance rates, the identity of Highland representatives (‘commissioners’), the means of their election and their activities once elected, the article argues that Highland engagement with Parliament was much more significant than is often assumed. This, in turn, suggests that further constituency-level studies are needed in order to provide a fuller picture of Parliament's relationship with the country at large.  相似文献   

9.
《中东研究》2012,48(4):537-552
Abstract

Great Britain created ‘Southern Kurdistan’, an autonomous Kurdish entity with Sulaimaniya as its capital, under British political supervision in November 1918. Sulaimaniya became a political and social testing ground in the hands of British officers who participated in the process of building local identities by defining the arena in which the elites entered into competition, by defining the categories into which the political blocs were arranged, and by defining which leaders were recognized. Furthermore, the creation of ‘Southern Kurdistan’ allowed the extension of nationalist rethoric among its inhabitants culminating in the radicalization of Sulaimaniya's notables. Paradoxically, the peak of nationalist agitation in urban areas in 1930 coincided with the Kurdish mobilization shifting its centre of gravity to the countryside.  相似文献   

10.
According to the Piano generale per l'organizzazione delle magistrature, the High Court of Parliament was one of the legal institutions provided for in the Sicilian constitution of 1812. Due to the fact that the Piano did not define in detail the competences and tasks of that institution, only referring to coming laws, the High Court became the subject of an important debate that developed in the reformed ‘assembly’ in the two years between 1813 and 1815. Documents uncovered in the Protonotaro del regno kept in the State Archives in Palermo regarding the parliamentary meetings and contemporary accounts outlined the heated argument between the Lords and the Commons about the function and powers of the Court that should have the right to try the highest officers of kingdom.  相似文献   

11.
This paper analyzes the conditions affecting male Members of Parliaments’ (MPs) proclivity for representing women’s interests. It particularly explores whether the presence of female MPs has an effect on men’s parliamentary behavior. Three contrasting effects are discussed in the literature: (1) A spillover effect which postulates that men will become more likely to act on behalf of women if the number of female MPs increases, (2) a group‐threat effect which creates a hostile backlash among male MPs, or (3) a specialization effect which makes male MPs less likely to represent women because this is typically seen as a function that should be fulfilled by female MPs. Empirically, this paper analyzes the representation of women’s issues in parliamentary questions tabled in the German Bundestag (1998‐2013) by using automated content analysis. The results support the specialization hypothesis and show that male MPs reduce their intensity of women’s representation if the proportion of female MPs is high.  相似文献   

12.
Summary

An assessment of the influence of Parliament in a crucial period for the development of British foreign policy. Aside from its formal role, Parliament had an important indirect influence. Parliament was frequently cited in contemporary discussion of foreign policy, whether by ministers stressing the need to settle matters before the session, British diplomats concerned about the detrimental consequences for their government's image of parliamentary contention, or foreign diplomats seeking to assess the stability and intentions of the British Ministry. Parliament's role can only be understood in the context of British foreign policy and of other domestic political struggles, especially those within the Ministry. The parliamentary history of the period and the nature of the eighteenth‐century British state in general can be better understood through offering such an assessment.  相似文献   

13.
14.
SUMMARY

In this article, Cristiana Scnigaglia analyzes how, when the constitution of the new German republic was being debated at Weimar in 1919, difficulties arose because there had been very little prior debate in Germany about a republican form of government, since the permanence of the monarchical system had been generally assumed. This gave great weight to the writings of Robert Redslob, the only senior academic authority who had discussed at some length the institution of a presidency in a republic. The article goes on to show how leading figures like Max Weber and Hugo Preuss, who were deeply involved in drafting the Weimar constitution, drew on Redslob's ideas in arguing for the solution that was eventually accepted, a State President directly elected by popular vote, who could act as a necessary constitutional balance by setting limits to the otherwise unlimited authority of the legislature and the central government.  相似文献   

15.
SUMMARY

Lawmaking is the key power of modern legislative assemblies as representatives of the people. There are, however, some situations where the laws are approved by public authorities other than parliament or the legislature as a whole. Two basic types of these situations are delegation and substitution of legislative power. This article aims to present the development of legislative substitution, that is, law-making in place of parliament, when the latter is not able to legislate, such as during a state of emergency or at the end of a session, in modern Czechoslovak history. With the exception of specific periods in the history of the Czechoslovak Republic, namely after its foundation (1918–20) and during its restructuring (1945–46), all its constitutions regularly incorporated the substitution of representative assemblies as lawmakers. In institutional terms, legislative substitution was always ensured by a body created inside parliament. The permanent validity of measures taken instead of a law was conditional upon the additional approval of parliament. Changes were also experienced by other aspects of legislative substitution, for example initiation (until 1960 only by the government) and review-either political or constitutional, such as judicial, legislative power, delegation and substitution.  相似文献   

16.
Abstract

This article examines the establishment of Estonian independence from a wider perspective including the Petrograd front of the Russian Civil War which had a decisive influence on securing Estonia's independence. The contradictory military cooperation between the Estonian army and the White Russian troops under command of General Iudenich, who was an ardent fighter for a Greater Russia that also included Estonia, was skillfully used by the Estonians in order to secure their own borders. Based on primary sources from Estonian and Russian archives, this article sheds new light on Estonian Russian policy during the years 1918–1920, arguing that in the given framework of international policy it was the Estonian side that in decisive moments managed to set the rules of the game.  相似文献   

17.
The end of the First World War and the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in 1918 signalled the downfall of the old order in the Middle East. The consolidation of Britain's strategic, economic and political position in that region was bound to affect Kurdistan's political future, given its determination to re-construct a new regional order. In the absence of a well-defined British policy towards Kurdistan's future certain British officials on the ground were able to play an important part in influencing the political situation in southern Kurdistan, which came under British political control. Therefore, the examination of Britain's policy on the ground through the concepts of indirect and direct control is central to any understanding of the reasons for the establishment and the subsequent termination of the first Kurdish government in the period 1918-1919.  相似文献   

18.
Abstract

One of the many challenges that Estonia faced when it gained independence was the minority question. The history of certain minorities, above all that of the Baltic Germans, has already been studied fairly intensively. Nevertheless, the scope of all previous studies has been rather narrow (the position of a single minority). This article traces the history of all ethnic minorities in Estonia and views them from a broader perspective. Answers are sought to the following questions: What were the ethnic relations like in Estonia in 1918–1925? Why were they so? Did they change in the course of time? The article is based on the systematic study of Estonian press and archival sources. It constitutes an expanded version of the conclusion of the author's Finnish-language monograph Ajan ihanteiden ja historian rasitteiden ristipaineissa: Viron etniset suhteet vuosina 1918–1925.  相似文献   

19.
Abstract

Sometimes scholars fall into the gaps of their own arguments. A. J. Nathan, last seen asserting that European influence on China was benign, must now explain the failure of Western educated elites and their political techniques to achieve any semblance of order or development. Peking Politics, 1918–1923 attempts to plug the gap through examination of Western-influenced urban elites in the last period of Chinese history in which Western constitutional theory played any significant role. His historical outline achieves considerable success in elucidating the comings and goings of bureaucrats, bosses, and generals on the Peking stage, but is prey to serious methodological and ideological limitations. Where his data fits his hypothesis, it's usually for the wrong reasons, and all too often it doesn't fit at all.  相似文献   

20.
The article analyses the role of the German Bundestag in decision making on out-of-area military operations since 1994. It is framed by the research question whether the power of the parliament has been weakened by the building of international rapid reaction forces such as the European Battle Groups or the NATO Response Force. In the first part, the position of the Bundestag in the decisions since 1994 is explained. The second part is mainly focused on the decision-making process pertaining to the 2006 EUFOR operation in the Democratic Republic of Congo. In 2006, the German Battle Group was not sent to Congo due to domestic constraints. On the basis of this incident and a more general analysis, the article underlines the crucial role of the Bundestag in the decision-making process. It disputes the claim that the Bundestag is losing its power in favour of the government.  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号