Le Parlement et le pouvoir religieux dans le Portugal du Moyen Âge

SUMMARY

The medieval Portuguese clergy and nobility, particularly those of higher status, were the political and ideological support of the sovereign. As vassals of the king they had been members of the curia regia from its beginnings. They naturally became part of the parliament when it was created in the thirteenth century. In these early assemblies the monarch consulted them about political issues of general interest, but the clergy and nobility were free to bring forward their own concerns. Maria Helena da Cruz Coelho examines how the clergy complained to the kings D. Afonso IV (1325–57), D. Pedro (1357–67) and D. Fernando (1367–83). They insisted on defending their privileges, ecclesiastical rights and temporal power, presenting long lists of accusations mostly against the nobles and royal officials. But to give a wider perspective the author also studies the dissatisfaction that the people expressed in these assemblies about the clergy, charging them with oppression while both collecting taxes and rents and applying justice. The parliamentary discussions demonstrated clearly the social tensions of the times and allowed the king to judge and to rule in a more balanced way between the estates in order to exert his sovereign power in a pacified kingdom.     

Parlement et Société: Le cas du Parlement Général du Royaume de Naples pendant la période espagnole 1443–1642

The author of this paper aims to give an introduction to the legal institutions of socialist representation and territorial public administration which were spread in Central Europe after the soviet political and legal influence (occupation) caused by the end of World War II. To show the concrete historical solutions one can read details on the Hungarian system of local councils developed by the ideal of Russian soviets. After a short international panorama, the author summarizes the main legal instruments such as the scope of authority of the councils, the status of the council deputies, the operation of the full session of the council body and its committees, also the features of the executive committee and its specialized administrative organs.     

Peuple,patrie et nation: les mots et les idées dans le Discours parlementaire portugais du dix-neuvième siècle

SUMMARY

In this article Maria Manuela Tavares Ribciro analyses how the Portuguese Republicans of the later nineteenth century drew inspiration from the ideas and the symbols of the Revolution of 1820 in Portugal. The subsequent liberal regimes located sovereignty in the Nation, which they distinguished from the People, who only shared in the exercise of sovereignty through voting. The will of the Nation was expressed through the elected deputies and was distinct from the will of the People and superior to it. Against this the Republicans set the revolutionary concept of the ‘Patrie’, distinct from the Nation and the direct embodiment of the collective will of the People. It was by drawing on the revolutionary concepts and symbolism of the 1820s that the late nineteenth-century Republicans articulated their claim that by setting up a republic, the People would re-invigorate the moribund liberal Nation by their direct, collective action and fashion a new and better Nation in its place.     

La Chambre introuvable et les principes du régime parlementaire

Summary

Discussions of British policy towards Poland and the Polish question in the years before the first Partition have recently been provided by Michael Roberts and by Hamish Scott. They have given both a narrative and an analysis of British diplomacy and foreign policy in the decade after the end of the Seven Years’ War. It is the purpose of this paper to suggest the resonance which British policy (and the lack of it) and opinion on Poland had for contemporary understanding of the British political system and political culture itself.1 The implications for Britain of the first Partition of Poland were ominous and unsettling for the British polity, and would challenge both diplomatic practice and political prejudices and commonplaces.     

L'Italie — Le Bicaméralisme Imparfait: Du Sénat du Royaume au Sénat de la République

Summary

Imperfect Bicameralism: Italy from the Senate of the Monarchy to the Senate of the Republic

1. The creation of the royal Senate; 2. The Italian antecedents of the 1848 Senate; 3. Projects for the reform of the Senate; 4. G. Mosca: the eulogy of imperfect bicameralism; 5. The end of the royal Senate and the birth of the republican Senate; 6. The current debate on bicameralism in Italy.     

La structure et le rôle de la diète transylvaine, 1529–1865

SUMMARY

In this article, Michael A.R. Graves and Chris R. Kyle take a new look at the ‘bills of grace’ or ‘sign manual bills’ which were a feature of the early-modern English parliament. These were a special category of bill, often introduced into one of the Houses already written out on parchment, and endorsed with the royal sign manual. The majority of such bills concerned either the affairs of the royal family, or the affairs of private suitors with privileged access to the royal Court, and were generally referred to as ‘bills of grace’. It has long been supposed that such bills were given favoured treatment and enjoyed a speedy and undisputed passage through the two Houses. The article first demonstrates that there have been many misunderstandings about these bills, both by contemporaries and by later historians, and then goes on to show that they present complex problems of interpretation. The authors show how the number and character of such bills varied from one reign to another, and how there were marked changes in the usage of this procedure over time. They conclude that the previously received views about this kind of legislation require revision.     

Errance et Hospitalité dans le Cycle de la Fille du Comte de Ponthieu

繁荣于十五世纪的勃艮第大公宫廷文化是式微的中世纪骑士文学过渡到文艺复兴的最后辉煌.面对旧的价值体系即将崩溃、新的道德观尚未形成的危机,四任勃艮第大公均采取了鼓励把重写骑士文学与描述当代社会生活结合起来的文艺创作方案,从而使一种文化传统成功地在特定的环境中发扬光大,在肯定自我的同时巩固宫廷的统治.本文以文本分析的手法,通过比较中世纪传说的不同版本,试图揭示社会性话语在文艺创作中的作用.     

Le Parlement en temps de crises politiques dans le royaume de Portugal (XIV-XVe siècles)

SUMMARY

This article focuses on the role of the Cortes in the course of two decisive moments of the Portuguese monarchy: the choice of a king on the one hand and the decision to accept a regency on the other. The Cortes of Coimbra (1385) are first analysed in the context of the political events that preceded them, in terms of the novelty of being summoned by the social forces of the kingdom, and in terms of their ideology and innovative measures. As a result, a king was chosen—King John I, the founder of the House of Avis—and reforms of a noticeable ‘constituent’ tendency were proposed. Attention is then focused on the Cortes of Lisbon (1439), which were equally unusual in their summoning and performance. There, it was decided that the infant Don Pedro, brother to the late king Don Duarte, would be in charge of the regency while the heir to the throne, Don Afonso V, was not yet of age. This prevented the queen from occupying the role the monarch had intended for her. In both cases these Cortes are very special given that they legitimated revolutionary acts which had previously taken place. This behaviour reinforces the idea that by comparison with other kingdoms in the Iberian Peninsula, the Portuguese Cortes had a strong leadership role in moments of political crisis and in the assertion of the power and social formation of the monarchy.     

La construction de l′espace européen de l′enseignement supérieur et la réforme LMD en France

1998年,值巴黎大学建校八百周年之机,法国与德、意、英三国共同签署了具有历史意义的“巴黎声明”,旨在建立一个开放的高等教育空间,加强四国大学学生和教师的交流,促成大学课程和文凭的对等与协调。在确保各国文化教育差异的同时,消除障碍,促进人员流动和更加紧密的合作。“巴黎声明”的发表意味着欧洲内部教育的接轨,意味着各国教育体制的调整乃至改革。     

Discours prononcéàl′occasion du 5e anniversaire de la coopé-ration et de la communication culturelles entre la France et l′Universitéde wuhan

Monsieur le président,Messieur les Directeurs,Mesdames,Messieurs,Chers Amis,L′Ambassadeur de France ayant étéappelé pour consultation par M.Roland DUMAS,Ministre des Relations Extérieures,l′honneur m′échoitde le représenter àcette commémoration du cinquième anniversaire de la     

La poésie est le partage des langues

C'est peut-etre quand il atteint son incandescence la plus intraduisible, c'est à dire dans la poésie,que le langage sollicite le plus notre attention croisée, entre les langues,entre les traditions, entre les cultures. Car c'est alors qu'une diction commune à tous, au coeur du singulier, dans une torsion bouleversante de la langue, s'éveille.     

Balzac et sa Comédie humaine en Chine──Réflexions sur le bicentenaire de sa naissance

纪念巴氏诞辰２００周年是对作家及其作品再认识,并给《人间戏剧》正名的良机,也是澄清东西方对“现实主义”与“现实主义作家”不同理解的良机。我们应力戒机械反映论的困扰,正视西方文论的偏颇与成见,以确立我们自己的理论体系。     

La rémunération des députés aux États généraux de France et son incidence institutionnelle

SUMMARY

In 1814, after the defeat of the Napoleonic Empire, the Allied states decided to unite the former Dutch Republic and the former Habsburg Netherlands (the later Belgium), as part of their attempt to elaborate a balanced system of European states. As the age of nationalism was arriving, the chances of this unification succeeding depended upon the gradual integration of the two parts into one Netherlandish nation. Stefaan Marteel argues that the eventual failure of this project, which abruptly came to an end with the Belgian Revolution of 1830, can to a large extent be ascribed to the differences in the political and intellectual history of the two countries, differences that found expression in the development of irreconcilable political languages during the constitutional debates of 1815 and thereafter. In the Northern Netherlands, despite the experiments with radical constitutionalism since the Patriot Revolution, the republican past proved a major obstacle to the construction of a functional constitutional monarchy. The paradoxical result was the enforcement of monarchical authority within a political model that was clearly designed to be constitutionalist. In the Southern Netherlands, on the contrary, the rupture that occurred in its political history owing to the annexation of France allowed, in 1814, for certain innovations in political thought. These innovations were further inspired by the idea that the new political order lacked historical legitimization. Consequently, when social issues arose, such as problems concerning education, religion and public freedom, the government and the political opposition in the Belgian provinces would persistently draw on different interpretations of the constitution. This, in turn, reinforced the impression of a fundamental national division, and created the conditions, should a popular revolt occur, for a rapid radicalization in a nationalist direction.     

Les députés de Lyon en cour et l’art des communications de la ville et du pouvoir royal au XVIe siècle*

In the ancien régime, major municipalities in France constantly sent delegates, or deputies and solicitors to the court to make petitions and refer disputes to arbitration seeking favour for the city. Their mission was to defend the interests of the city. The deputies of Lyon were most often urban elites, who were expected to play an active part in negotiations with the royal government. J.P. Gutton ranked the deputies and clarified the activities during the seventeenth century: ‘The agent responsible for the affairs of the city’ resides permanently in Paris, ‘the ordinary deputy’ resides normally in Lyon and travels with instructions made by the consulate, and the ‘extraordinary envoys’ accompany ordinary deputies. However, in the sixteenth century, the deputies were not yet specialized and the consulate decided which deputy to send to court if necessary. This article aims to clarify the appointment of deputies, their relations with the royal officers in the government, as well as the contents of their business. To this end, the correspondence exchanged between the deputies and the consulate in series AA of the archives municipales de Lyon will be analysed, especially the consular deliberations in series BB, on the selection of deputies and the purpose of dispatch. Finally, this article will focus on understanding the negotiations that were held between the important city, Lyon, and the monarchy through the intermediary of the deputies. An analysis of the deputies of the city would also suggest where they went to get decisions in the royal administration and how consensus was formed in sixteenth-century France.     

L'affaiblissement du Parlement français dans la dernière législature de la Troisième République (1936–1940)

SUMMARY

In this article, Simone Lassig examines franchise reforms in the federal states of the German Empire before 1914. She is critical of restricting the history of the German Empire to the history of Prussia. From this viewpoint, electoral reforms in several of the German federal states are used to indicate the capacity of the political elites to resolve problems related to the system. When we observe southern and central Germany, it can be shown that the old elites were capable of learning. Although the non-socialist parties opposed every form of mass politics until the turn of the century, by limiting the right to vote, after that they opened up to the increasing demands for participation from the lower levels of society. Tendencies towards democrati;tation appeared not only in many new electoral laws, but also in the political culture, expecially in the development of new methods of parliamentary conflict. Legitimation of authoriry gained a new status: the parliamentary resolution of conflicts was revalued as against legal restrictions, and facilitated the partial integration of the formerly excluded workers' party. The concept, scarcely challenged in research, that there was only a primitive level of democratization in Wilhelmine Germany should be reconsidered at least, as a result of this analysis.     

La Melancolie dans le rythme-de la Poesie de P．Verlaine

魏尔伦诗篇的音乐性，这是评论家们众口一致的赞誉。作为象征派诗人，他的大多数作品又都朦胧地透露出伤感。从字里行间寻找这种伤感的表现并不是很困难，从诗句的节奏中要抓住这种感觉却不是一件容易的事情了。它需要论作者有十分细腻的情感和洞察幽微的语感。本文作者从她对魏尔伦诗歌多年的研究和翻译中，从细细的品味和揣摩中，终于抓到了这种一纵即逝的东西。文章从魏尔伦的伤感说起，引用了一些较典型的诗句，论述诗人是怎样用乐感，用节奏表现这种伤感的。     

COMMENT LA GEOGRAPHIE SE JOUE DE L''''EGO-GRAPHIE Reflexions sur les metaphores de la route et du paysage dans le Cycle de Pan de J. GIONO

此文作者分析了吉奥诺前期小说中有关道路和风景的隐喻,试图说明小说家如何通过使用一个表面上看真实存在的地理环境,而实际上却描述了一个混沌未凿、一切有待创造的梦幻世界。小说凭借比喻的力量进入了一个由人物语言产生的神奇世界。这个世界似乎是一个探索的世界。但通过对隐喻的具体分析可以看出它只是对一种不可知的逃避。因此,比喻也许能让人发现隐藏在文本中的神秘意义。