Les députés de Lyon en cour et l’art des communications de la ville et du pouvoir royal au XVIe siècle*

In the ancien régime, major municipalities in France constantly sent delegates, or deputies and solicitors to the court to make petitions and refer disputes to arbitration seeking favour for the city. Their mission was to defend the interests of the city. The deputies of Lyon were most often urban elites, who were expected to play an active part in negotiations with the royal government. J.P. Gutton ranked the deputies and clarified the activities during the seventeenth century: ‘The agent responsible for the affairs of the city’ resides permanently in Paris, ‘the ordinary deputy’ resides normally in Lyon and travels with instructions made by the consulate, and the ‘extraordinary envoys’ accompany ordinary deputies. However, in the sixteenth century, the deputies were not yet specialized and the consulate decided which deputy to send to court if necessary. This article aims to clarify the appointment of deputies, their relations with the royal officers in the government, as well as the contents of their business. To this end, the correspondence exchanged between the deputies and the consulate in series AA of the archives municipales de Lyon will be analysed, especially the consular deliberations in series BB, on the selection of deputies and the purpose of dispatch. Finally, this article will focus on understanding the negotiations that were held between the important city, Lyon, and the monarchy through the intermediary of the deputies. An analysis of the deputies of the city would also suggest where they went to get decisions in the royal administration and how consensus was formed in sixteenth-century France.     

Peuple,patrie et nation: les mots et les idées dans le Discours parlementaire portugais du dix-neuvième siècle

SUMMARY

In this article Maria Manuela Tavares Ribciro analyses how the Portuguese Republicans of the later nineteenth century drew inspiration from the ideas and the symbols of the Revolution of 1820 in Portugal. The subsequent liberal regimes located sovereignty in the Nation, which they distinguished from the People, who only shared in the exercise of sovereignty through voting. The will of the Nation was expressed through the elected deputies and was distinct from the will of the People and superior to it. Against this the Republicans set the revolutionary concept of the ‘Patrie’, distinct from the Nation and the direct embodiment of the collective will of the People. It was by drawing on the revolutionary concepts and symbolism of the 1820s that the late nineteenth-century Republicans articulated their claim that by setting up a republic, the People would re-invigorate the moribund liberal Nation by their direct, collective action and fashion a new and better Nation in its place.     

La construction de l′espace européen de l′enseignement supérieur et la réforme LMD en France

1998年,值巴黎大学建校八百周年之机,法国与德、意、英三国共同签署了具有历史意义的“巴黎声明”,旨在建立一个开放的高等教育空间,加强四国大学学生和教师的交流,促成大学课程和文凭的对等与协调。在确保各国文化教育差异的同时,消除障碍,促进人员流动和更加紧密的合作。“巴黎声明”的发表意味着欧洲内部教育的接轨,意味着各国教育体制的调整乃至改革。     

La "poésie objective" de Rimbaud et les paysages des poètes chinois classiques

Je me propose d'appréhender la "poésie objective" de Rimbaud en la rapproc hant des paysages des poètes chinois classiques. Mon sujet, comme on le voit, touche a un vaste domaine complexe,aussi ne puis-je en parler ici que d'une facon élémentaire et sommaixre.Par "paysage", je veux dire ce que nos critiques classiques entendaient par le terme chinois "I-Jing"(意境)ou "Jing-Jie"(境界). C'est le monde qui nalt de la fusion du monde intéricur et du monde extérieur     

Extension des privilèges constitutionnels de la Douma russe dans les ‘interstices de la procédure’ 1906–1917

Summary

The nobility and the Netherlands Senate 1815–1830

From 1815 to 1830 the northern and southern Netherlands formed a single kingdom under Guillaume I. In this kingdom the nobility was the only social order to enjoy special political rights. The political influence the nobility could exercise as an order was primarily at the provincial level. The Corps Equestres had a role as a sort of electoral college for the Provincial Estates of the separate provinces. In 1815, after the States General had been divided into two chambers, the influence of the provinces made itself felt particularly through the elections for the Second Chamber, the members of the First Chamber, the Senate, being appointed by the king. Despite the fact that over ninety percent of them belonged to the nobility, the nobility as an order never became a political group exercising power at the national level.     

Apparence et réalité du pouvoir de représentation des provinces à Paris L'exemple des Etats provinciaux du Nord au XVIIIème siècle

SUMMARY

In this article, Marie-Laure Legay has examined the relations of the Provincial Estates on the north-eastern border of France—Flanders, Artois and le Cambrésis—with the central government. It shows that they did not waste energy disputing the tax demands of the crown, their right to assent to taxation had been reduced to a formality and they voted them without debate. But they then used direct representations through the delegations they sent to Paris, which usually resulted in some concessions being made by the crown. Similarly the Estates did not engage in formal assertions of their autonomy, but the full-time agents they hired in the capital processed a flow of remonstrances and petitions to the agencies of the central government. Thus instead of resisting the movement towards increased centralization of authority, they used it to pursue local advantages. In this way, the Estates were able to purchase the right to make appointments to local offices, while they repeatedly bypassed the Intendant, lobbying successfully for the transfer of many of his areas of competence to the Estates. This pragmatic strategy of working with the system, rather than opposing it was pursued consistencly down to 1789.     

La rémunération des députés aux États généraux de France et son incidence institutionnelle

SUMMARY

In 1814, after the defeat of the Napoleonic Empire, the Allied states decided to unite the former Dutch Republic and the former Habsburg Netherlands (the later Belgium), as part of their attempt to elaborate a balanced system of European states. As the age of nationalism was arriving, the chances of this unification succeeding depended upon the gradual integration of the two parts into one Netherlandish nation. Stefaan Marteel argues that the eventual failure of this project, which abruptly came to an end with the Belgian Revolution of 1830, can to a large extent be ascribed to the differences in the political and intellectual history of the two countries, differences that found expression in the development of irreconcilable political languages during the constitutional debates of 1815 and thereafter. In the Northern Netherlands, despite the experiments with radical constitutionalism since the Patriot Revolution, the republican past proved a major obstacle to the construction of a functional constitutional monarchy. The paradoxical result was the enforcement of monarchical authority within a political model that was clearly designed to be constitutionalist. In the Southern Netherlands, on the contrary, the rupture that occurred in its political history owing to the annexation of France allowed, in 1814, for certain innovations in political thought. These innovations were further inspired by the idea that the new political order lacked historical legitimization. Consequently, when social issues arose, such as problems concerning education, religion and public freedom, the government and the political opposition in the Belgian provinces would persistently draw on different interpretations of the constitution. This, in turn, reinforced the impression of a fundamental national division, and created the conditions, should a popular revolt occur, for a rapid radicalization in a nationalist direction.     

Le Président Nicolas Jannon,les deux éditions du Développement et une vision contre‐révolutionnaire et ‘parlementaire’ de la Constitution traditionnelle de la France

SUMMARY

In this article, Maria Sofia Corciulo analyses the political significance of the period of the Italian Restoration. The author suggests that the revolutions which took place in both Naples and Piedmont in 1820–21 affected the apparently static institutional tranquillity of the ‘restored’ Italy to such an extent that they represent a break from the preceding period—the Five-year Period, during which the Napoleonic institutions had been, anyway, partly retained. The revolutionary action which, as in Spain, was sparked by the military, was characterized by forms of participation and aims that constituted, at least where they could be fully expressed, the beginning of a new historical period, surely overshadowing that of Restoration: the Risorgimento. The Neapolitan Revolution was carried out under the banner of the most democratic principles of those years, as they had been sanctioned by the Constitution of Cadiz of 1812. Although the Italian revolutionaries of 1820–21 were defeated, the principles of the Cadiz Constitution remained vivid in the minds of the patriots, especially Neapolitans, in an intricate sectarian world, where even the participation of the most humble classes was welcome and accepted in the name of the egalitarian principles of the Carboneria. The article suggests that this Revolution spelled the de facto end of the Restoration, even it was to continue to exist de jure, in its limited dynastic sense. This is true not only for the Kingdom of the two Sicilies but also for the other Italian states, because so-called ‘public opinion’ became a reality in this period: the existence of political plots and conspiracies from a rising number of secret societies is clear evidence that Italy's Risorgimento was under way.     

Analyse des motivations,des besoins et des attentes des étudiants dans l''''apprentissage du francais dans le cadre des facultés de sciences économiques

法语第二外语教学长期以来都是以所用的教材来决定上课的内容和形式,而较少考虑到学生的学习动机以及他们对法语课的需求和期待,上课的气氛比较单调和沉闷。本文采取问卷调查的方法,主要对财经类院校学生学习法语的动机进行分析,研究这一特殊教学对象的学习需求和期待,以便更好地为他们提供相适应的教学内容和形式。     

Méthodologie d′analyse des manuels de langue：l′exemple de l′étude descriptive du manuel Le Francais du droit dans la perspective de classe du FLE juridique

本文以法国原版教材<法律法语>为例,展示对外语教材进行描述性分析的一种可能途径.     

Connaissance de l′Occident— Les &#233;changes culturels entre la Chine et la France durant la premi&#232;re moiti&#233; du XX^e si&#232;cle

此文是对20世纪上半叶法国文化在中国的传播和接受过程的总体回顾.作者结合现代中国的特殊历史背景,着重论述了五四运动和<新青年>杂志、留法勤工俭学运动、中法大学等历史事件和相关人物对传播法国文化所起的作用,并介绍了这个时期法国思想和文学在中国的译介情况.