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There is renewed historical interest in the role played by intellectuals in all belligerent countries in the period leading up to and during the First World War. Whereas prior to the war scholars from all countries engaged in civilised scientific discourse, immediately after the outbreak of war they appeared to re–discover their own fatherlands and became passionately patriotic, placing their expertise at the service of their respective countries for the prosecution of the war. On closer scrutiny, however, the case of the German intellectual elite appears significantly different from their counterparts in other belligerent countries. They perceived themselves, more than, say, the British academic community, and certainly earlier than these, as virtual prophets called to justify their nation's war policies. This paper investigates the perceptions of German intellectuals, their explanation for the war and their various war–aims programs. It is suggested that the intellectuals/academics contributed in no small way to the formation of German political will.  相似文献   

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The paper examines to what extent electoral behaviour in Venezuela, as it appeared in the elections of 1998 and 2000, is different from that observed between 1958 and 1988. The paper reaches the conclusion that given the decline in party identification (dealignment), the short-term variables specific to each election, in particular the attitude towards government performance and personalities, have grown in weight vis-à-vis the structural factors (party identification, institutions, long-standing political predispositions). However, the latter were still relevant and important in the 1998 and 2000 elections and it is very likely they will carry on as such for the future. It is also concluded that, even though the party system has become unstable due to the decline in identification with the traditional government parties, new stabilising factors seem to have appeared and should be taken into account. These are ideology and negative party identification.  相似文献   

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The study explores arguments concerning the concept of the informal economy and makes the case that new media technologies, or more broadly, information and communication technologies (ICTs), as a socio‐economic phenomenon, tend to be exploited in the same way as other economic activities by those actors that operate in the informal economy. Moreover, this exploitation tends to show similar patterns in terms of growth and ownership concentration. In this context, the study analyses the patterns and tendencies that transpire when informal actors exploit ICTs. It aims to question the validity of the neoliberal paradigm that portrays informality and new media technology as a creative process that requires deregulation. The article is based on a field study carried out in Venezuela between 2003 and 2004.  相似文献   

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Since President Hugo Chávez came to power in Venezuela in 1998, ordinary women from the barrios, or shantytowns, of Caracas have become more engaged in grassroots politics; but most of the community leaders still are men. Chávez's programs are controlled by male-dominated bureaucracies, and many women activists still look to the president himself as the main source of direction. Nevertheless, this article argues, women's increasing local activism has created forms of popular participation that challenge gender roles, collectivize private tasks, and create alternatives to male-centric politics. Women's experiences of shared struggle from previous decades, along with their use of democratic methods of popular control, help prevent the state from appropriating women's labor. But these spaces coexist with more vertical, populist notions of politics characteristic of official sectors of Chavismo. Understanding such gendered dimensions of popular participation is crucial to analyzing urban social movements.  相似文献   

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This article assesses the merits of opposing National Assembly reports into the coup against President Chávez of Venezuela in April 2002. Looking at the historical context and the content of the reports, it argues that the two opposing accounts reflect a class division that has always existed in Venezuela but has been officially denied. It concludes that a possible exit from the stalemate could be that the opposition accept the reality of this class division and therefore the Chávez government as a legitimate representative of the popular classes. This, however, is unlikely in the present circumstances.  相似文献   

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The article seeks to outline the main elements through which a populist political order was built in Venezuela. It will be done, first by looking at the golden years a of Venezuelan populism (1945–1948). It will be argued that the constitution of populist politics meant: an appeal to the people, the articulation of new social relations and constitution of new political identities. Then it will turn to the latter Pérez and Caldera showing the basic schemes of their governments. They sought to reconstitute politics and reshape political identities in a new populist way. The arrival of Chávez at power and the first months of his government are also analysed.  相似文献   

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Logging economies in Latin America have long supplied forest resources to international and domestic markets. One of Latin America's more significant timber regions supplied South America's largest industrial metropolis, São Paulo. However, relatively little is known about the historical geography of logging in Brazil, or elsewhere in Latin America, in part because of the bias of forest histories to the destruction, rather than utilisation, of forest resources. This study focuses on domestic demand for hardwood and its salient characteristics: transport, the distribution of sawmills, the use of contracts and dangerous working conditions.  相似文献   

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