制度环境:中国公民社会政策参与的制约因素

改革开放后中国公民社会政策参与的日益活跃和扩大化,直接得益于制度环境的改善。但是,目前的制度环境仍包含诸多障碍因素,主要是:制度环境的控制与限制取向制约了民间组织实力和规模的壮大;监管体制缺陷导致民间组织"行政化"和"营利化";参与渠道不畅,非制度化参与呈扩大趋势。     

走向“合规性监管”——改革开放40年来社会组织管理体制发展回顾与展望

改革开放后逐步形成的"双重管理"体制在有效稳定社会组织发展秩序的同时,阻碍社会组织的数量增长和质量提升。对"双重管理"体制的调整和变革以放松特定类型社会组织的登记、允许行业协会商会适度竞争、加强事中事后监管、建立综合监管体系等为主要内容,初步呈现从"掌控型监管"向"合规性监管"转型的趋势。当前,社会组织监管体制中仍然存在政策体系不完备、准入管理未从根本上放松、对社会组织的日常管理干预过多、同业监管难发展、社会组织自我监管动力不足等问题。"合规性监管"体制的最终形成有赖于改革的持续推进,需要建构以非营利监管为核心的政策体系,进一步放松准入管理,发挥党建引领社会组织发展的作用,为同业监管的发展创造制度条件,放松竞争限制、促进社会组织自律。     

发挥民间组织积极作用的三大着力点

发挥民间组织的积极作用,需从以下三方面着手:一要进一步发展和规范各类民间组织,二要完善培育扶持和依法管理民间组织的政策和体制,三要加强党对民间组织的领导.     

改革开放以来我国民间组织管理体制的回顾与展望

改革开放30年来我国民间组织管理体制几经变革,形成了现在以双重管理为核心的管理体制。这种体制在民间组织的发展和管理中发挥了积极作用,但也存在不少缺陷。优化我国民间组织管理体制既是我国经济体制改革和政治体制改革的要求,也是培育中国特色公民社会的必然选择。     

民间组织的崛起与执政党的政治整合

本文以国家与社会的结构关系为分析框架 ,论述了民间组织的兴起对当代中国的政治系统的双重影响。认为执政党必须从政治系统中的价值、制度、组织三位一体的视角来对民间组织进行政治整合 ,从而在激荡的变革社会中不断提升执政的合法性地位     

司法政策执行中的机会主义行为探析——基于委托代理理论的视角

政策执行者机会主义行为对司法政策执行的干扰,是我国司法改革进程中一道挥之不去的噩梦,严重妨碍我国法治建设的顺利进行。以相关现象在民事"调解优先"司法政策执行过程中的表现为考察面,运用委托代理理论对导致机会主义执行行为产生的主要制度缺陷及其作用方式进行剖析,并在此基础上从制度创新的角度提出若干治理对策:构建政策制定者与执行者利益平衡机制;政策执行监控主体的合理扩容;政策质量的提高与宣传力度的强化。     

当前民间组织发展问题的思考

本文从分析民间组织的积极作用入手，认为民间组织也是党的执政基础、是和谐社会的重要力量。指出当前民间组织发展的瓶颈是：体制不顺，管理部门无法形成合力；法制疏漏，政府管理依据不足；社会资金匮乏，民间组织步履维艰；人才极度稀缺，难显组织活力以及缺少国际经验，机制滞后。最后提出了有针对性的对策。     

政府改革困境的制度结构性视角分析

目前,政府改革已成为我国经济改革和社会改革的关键,迫切需要我们深刻把握政府改革的规律.然而在现实中,政府改革面临着严重的实施困难,政府职能转变与政府机构改革双重不到位.从"国家悖论"与"政府失灵"理论出发,一般认为,政府改革面临的困境往往是由于政府制度变迁中制度供给主体缺失造成的,在理论上形成了难以深入分析的死结,也无助于政府改革的推进.认为,政府的角色冲突不是政府改革困境的根源和本质,而只是在考虑整体制度间均衡时的结果,忽略了政府的结构性特征;借鉴了公共管理理论中的政治家-官僚分析范式,以结构性分析的思路为主线,拓展了政府改革的两方博弈框架.从而认为政府改革困境的本质是政治家与官僚间在政府改革中的目标冲突与信息不对称;并分析了阻碍政府改革顺利推进的路径依赖效应与改革激励不足的问题.指出,要打破政府改革面临的困境,可以从改革的社会沟通与激励,财政约束,官僚机构的偏好与理念,以及全面长效监督等方面着手.     

清代重庆牙行管理模式探析

清代,重庆附郭巴县牙行的管理模式由牙课司专管转变为政府各部门分管和民间组织协同管理相结合的方式。巴县衙门的户房、礼房、工房及柬房等部门各司其职,管理相应职责范围内的牙行。移民领袖八省客长在协助官方参与调处牙行日常纠纷中发挥了重要作用。官方机构分权和民间组织协同参与牙行管理的模式是牙行制度变革和地方社会结构变革双重作用的结果。     

稳步推进医保改革需澄清五个问题

能否说目前城镇职工基本医疗保险制度已基本建立 根据１９９８年底国务院下发的《关于建立城镇职工基本医疗保险制度的决定》，经过各地努力，医疗保险制度改革工作取得了突破性的进展，城镇职工基本医疗保险制度基本建立。其主要标志： 一是医疗保险改革的政策体系基本完备。包括基本医疗保险政策系统、基本医疗保险管理系统、多层次医疗保障体系和医药卫生体制配套改革四大系统；中央的基本政策、各省的组织推动和统筹地区的具体政策和管理等三个层面，使改革从一开始就纳入规范化的轨道。 二是基本医疗保险制度在全国绝大多数省区市得到…     

重新思考NGOs问责

NGOs问责的涵义可以从控制-交待、外部-内部、过程-机制三个不同的视角来理解。这就形塑了不同的NGOs问责型态,如等级问责和整体问责、功能问责和战略问责、外部控制和内部回应为基础的问责矩阵等等。这些问责型态不仅在理论上存在瑕疵,而且导致不合理的NGOs问责实践。可以根据问责的来源和问责关注的期限这两个维度建立一个整合的NGOs问责框架。该框架包含四种问责型态:效益问责、使命问责、结果问责和发展问责。这个新的理论框架进一步发展了NGOs问责的涵义,同时能够帮助利益相关者调整观察NGOs活动的关注点以提升NGOs的问责性,也有助于NGOs看清不同的问责力量,并判断怎样才能对自身的行为负责。研究的主要局限在于,提出的理论框架是一般意义上的,在实际应用中需要根据不同的NGOs类型及其运行的外部环境对框架的内容和侧重点进行调整。     

“针灸法”：环保NGO参与环境政策的制度安排

环保非政府组织在怒江建坝案中通过"针灸法"--游说关键部门使怒江建坝计划暂缓.目前,环保非政府组织在一些工程项目上可以对政府的环境政策产生重大影响,但它们同时也面临着巨大的压力.事实上,在怒江建坝案后环保非政府组织影响力的增强为政府调整和创新其环境政策决策与监督机制创造了一个良好契机.环保非政府组织参与政府环境政策的决策过程可以仿照联合国赋予非政府组织咨商地位的做法,对那些具有相当资质的环保非政府组织准许它们制度化地参加到国家环保部门、政府决策机构的决策过程中,享有从旁听、提问到发言不等的资格.     

Gatekeeper persuasion and issue adoption: Amnesty International and the transnational LGBTQ network

Network theory is a valuable tool for understanding how transnational human rights advocacy emerges and develops; how norms become salient; and how nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) gain prominence within networks. This article evaluates political network theory through the case study of the transnational lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) advocacy network. Through interviews with key figures at human rights and LGBTQ NGOs, I suggest that the transnational LGBTQ network emerged through contestation with the human rights gatekeeper, Amnesty International, and its US section, AIUSA. This process of contestation would produce a specific type of gatekeeper activism that would become a defining feature of the network. Over time, the network would evolve from a collection of national groups engaging in direct action to a highly professional and international network with a dual focus on movement building in the Global South and the advancement of LGBTQ rights at the United Nations.     

‘I have so many successful stories’: framing social citizenship for refugees

The current US refugee resettlement system reflects the US government's agenda of having refugees acquire quick employment with low state welfare dependence and minimal fiscal and cultural disruption to the receiving communities. The non-governmental organizations (NGOs) assisting refugees hold broader goals for refugees, including feeling a sense of belonging in the USA. These goals represent a framing of social citizenship rights for refugees, and how NGOs frame social citizenship varies depending upon the NGOs contractual relationship with the US welfare state. Using data from 57 in-depth interviews, I describe how resettlement and assistance NGOs currently frame social citizenship for refugees in relation to market citizenship, and how their relationship with the federal government shapes this framing. Findings illustrate the role of NGOs in creating a discursive space for expanding the social citizenship rights of refugees and the ways such framing is highly constrained by the definitions of belonging that emerge from market citizenship.     

Catalysts for Cooperation: Non-Governmental Organizations in Santo Domingo

Abstract

Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) engaged in development work have aimed traditionally to carry out infrastructure or human development in developing areas, but they have increasingly pursued the development of civic life as a pathway to democracy. Drawing on case studies from Santo Domingo in the Dominican Republic, this article points to ways in which NGOs can help to foster cooperation among other key sectors in civil society, namely grass-roots organizations (GROs) in poor neighbourhoods. Such cooperation cultivates solidarity among the marginalized and allows GROs working together to make demands on the political system and to enhance democracy in less developed countries. The maintenance of grass-roots autonomy is a key to success in fostering cooperation, along with a clear understanding by NGOs of the local context.     

Blurring Boundaries: The Integration of NGOs into Governance in Kenya

This article examines the impact of the proliferation of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) on governance in Kenya. Looking specifically at service provision, it analyzes how the growth of NGOs has begun to change the way decisions are made and policy is formulated. In so doing, the article explores shifting NGO–government relations over time. The governance of service provision has become a complex, intertwined affair in which NGOs sit on national policymaking committees, government integrates NGO plans and budgets into national policy, and government actors learn from and copy NGOs' participatory, accountable approach. Through (1) the integration of former NGO leaders in government, (2) increasing the variety of voices heard in government decision making, (3) lobbying by NGOs, and (4) mimicry of NGOs by government, governance of Kenyan service provision has begun to become more democratic. Through such changes, developing countries are witnessing a blurring of the line between public and private.     

社会资本视阈下两种农村民间组织比较研究——以湖南四县民间组织为例

目前活跃在农村的民间组织形式可分为两种不同的类型,传统型民间组织和合作化型民间组织.传统型民间组织多由农民自发组织起来,通过传统的宗族组织模式吸纳资源,以填补农村公共领域的缺失;合作化型民间组织的构成大多出于利益的驱动,部分是在当地政府的帮助下建立起来的,与当地政府之间有良好的合作关系.上述两种类型组织在农村治理模式变迁时,各自面临不同的发展瓶颈.在调查湖南省四县的农村民间组织的基础上,运用社会资本理论,通过分析这两类不同组织的社会资本构成,可知这种发展上的瓶颈来源于它们自身社会资本构成方式所导致的先天缺陷.传统型民间组织通过社会资本的叠加能很好地增益组织社会资本,对成员个体社会资本的增益较少;合作型民间组织虽可以更好地增益个人的社会资本,但在组织社会资本的聚合与增益方面有欠缺.     

Public Trust as a Driver of State-Grassroots NGO Collaboration in China

While the moniker non-governmental organization (NGO) connotes distance from the state, it is widely recognized that civil society in a range of political contexts is in fact characterized by close ties across the public-private divide. Scholars of Chinese social organizations have noted that proximity between the state and NGOs is even more pronounced in the context of China. What is less clear is why this is so. Why do grassroots NGOs overwhelmingly pursue engagement with the state? This paper presents findings that enumerate a number of motivating forces that drive state-NGO collaboration, particularly with respect to small, grassroots NGOs that do not have preexisting ties to elites or to the state. Most notable among these is that NGOs seek engagement with state agencies primarily in order to secure public trust. Public trust is found to be key to the ability of such groups to run programs, mobilize citizens or raise funds. These findings therefore have implications for how we understand the critical role of public support and legitimation—in addition to state control—in the enabling of civil society under authoritarianism.

     

Advocacy channels and political resource dependence in authoritarianism: Nongovernmental organizations and environmental policies in China

Nongovernmental organizations are important in policy processes, but most studies supporting this argument are conducted in democracies. This article, therefore, focuses on China's environmental policy to discuss how environmental NGOs (eNGOs) conduct policy advocacy in authoritarian contexts. Based on interviews with eNGOs and scholars in China, I provide a typology to describe policy advocacy channels based on their formality and consistency and explain how channels are selected based on the political resources of eNGOs. This article reveals how policy advocacy is affected by one of the prominent features of authoritarian states—a monopoly of political power—and indicates that many tactics identified in current literature can be explained by the political resource endowments of NGOs. Additionally, this article also provides insights on the potential changes of the advocacy channels when the political control is tightened in the Xi era and how eNGOs cope with the new political situation.     

Bureaucratization of non-governmental organizations: An analysis of employees' perceptions and attitudes

The key concern of the following article is to measure empirically the extent to which nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are bureaucratized. The perceptions of the employees of the NGOs were elicited about the characteristics of bureaucracy. Interval scale data on respondent perceptions were analysed through step-wide regression. The statistical analysis does not reveal any specific directionality. Instead, it shows a complicated set of relationships between each of eight characteristics of bureaucracy (dependent variables) on the one hand and the multitude of independent variables on the other. It can be inferred from the data and regression results that the bureaucratic characteristics of NGOs have not crystallized, as in the case of many governmental organizations. Only some postulates of bureaucratic theory, as propounded by Max Weber, are prevalent in the NGOs.