略论多元文化教育

多元文化教育是人们面对日益复杂、多样的文化所做出的选择,同时,也标志着人们对主流文化教育的重新审视,促进教育改革,推动教育发展。在对民族教育理论进行研究的过程中,研究各民族文化与主流文化间的关系时要克服简单化的、单一化的倾向,探索多元文化教育模式,对于进一步推动民族教育研究、深化民族教育改革有着十分重要的意义。     

多元文化视域下校园安全文化教育路径探析

随着全球化的进一步推进,多元文化的冲突、融合与价值选择已经成为每一个民主开放国家面临的重要问题。面对着多元文化的冲突,大学生中普遍存在着价值观的困惑,认识的局限。在多元文化背景下,学校教育要着眼于未来,以社会主义文化为核心,以主流价值观为指导,采取多种手段有效整合资源,不断加强安全文化教育。     

美国的人口移民潮与多元文化主义的兴起

美国历史上出现过三次大的移民高潮,移民的到来改变了美国原有的民族结构,造成了主流文化与亚文化之间的冲突,导致了国家民族文化政策经历了由盎格鲁一致论、熔炉论、文化多元主义到多元文化主义发展的嬗变过程。     

多元文化主义:美国的特洛伊木马?——阿尔文·施密德对多元文化主义的批判

阿尔文.施密德把多元文化主义视作现代的特洛伊木马,认为两者的相似之处在于:首先,特洛伊人对城外巨大的木马产生了很大的兴趣,美国人则对多元文化主义现象抱有极大的热情;其次,特洛伊人曾被警告不要把木马搬进城,但他们不顾警告还是把木马拖进了城,同样,美国人也曾经得到告诫不要把多元文化主义引入美国社会,但是美国人并没有在意这些告诫;第三,和古代的特洛伊木马一样,这个现代的木马一旦深入到国家内部,藏匿在木马里的“将士”就会打开城门,让他们那些守在门外的同伴进入这个国家的院校、商业、政府与教堂等领地。为此,施密德从理论内涵和实践两个方面对多元文化主义进行了深刻的揭露和批判。     

美国文化霸权对中国文化建设的警示

美国文化产业在全球市场上的主导地位形成了强大的文化霸权,它以柔性的手段,披着合法性的外衣,在对外输出文化产品的过程中,不遗余力地传播美国的价值观念和意识形态。美国从中获得了巨大的经济、政治及文化利益。中国文化在建设过程中,要积极反对并高度警惕美国的文化霸权,积极发展中国的文化力量,提高中国的文化力和综合国力。     

美国专家预言：2030年美国霸权终结

“到2030年,没有国家——无论是美国、中国或任何其他大国——将是霸权国家。”这段话出自于美国国家情报委员会10日刚刚发布的报告《全球趋势2030：可能的世界》。     

反思“美国例外主义”——美国霸权的理论基础及对我国民族问题的影响

“美国例外主义”是美国霸权的理论基础之一,它为美国霸权提供了一个意识形态和社会心理的支持体系。美国霸权的一个重要方面就是借助多民族主权国家内部的民族问题干涉其内政,从而实现美国的战略目标。在这个意义上,中国的民族问题并不是例外。在民族问题上,“西强我弱”的理论和舆论态势对我国政府的国际形象产生了相当大的负面影响,需要采取有效的措施应对这种挑战。     

美国中小企业多元融资模式及其启示

美国中小企业的健康发展主要是因为美国已经建立起了包括信用担保、银行贷款、股权融资、金融投资机构在内的多元融资模式,有效地解决了中小企业的融资难题.美国的成功经验启示我们:政府必须高度重视中小企业的发展,要健全相关的法律法规制度,完善中小企业金融服务体系,完善中小企业信用担保体系,积极促进中小企业融资方式的多元化.     

文化多元背景下大学生信息能力困境研究

多元文化已经成为当今社会文化的基本特征,它既是一种教育思想、一种历史观,也是一种意识形态的混合体,结合新媒体时代的到来,信息传递速度增加,信息传递内容增大,大学生在信息接收方面的行为方式也发生了较大变化,多元文化一方面帮助大学生开阔眼界,获取知识,另一方面由于新媒体中充满了娱乐化的文化产品,加之大学生思想存在不确定性,会严重影响大学生的认知、信念、价值观等。本文通过对大学生信息接收习惯研究,将全面了解大学生信息获取、信息判断与信息选择的态度,有利于大学生有效获取、评价、利用所需信息,以提高大学生信息能力。     

多元文化视野下高校校园文化建设困境及出路

当前,中国社会文化的多元化发展对作为社会亚文化的高校校园文化建设带来不少挑战,导致高校校园主导文化功能弱化,校园文化价值冲突加剧,高校大学生文化取向低俗化等等。因此,在多元文化背景下建设校园文化必须发挥社会主义文化的核心主导作用,通过资源整合拓展高校校园文化的发展空间,通过思想引领提升高校校园文化的品位才能走出建设困境。     

美国的高级文官制度

二次大战后，为了充实联邦政府的高级人才队伍，适应政府高级人才管理的需要，美国逐渐形成了高级官制度。本对美国高级官制度各方面的情况进行了系统介绍。     

The ASEAN Regional Forum in United States East Asian strategy

This paper analyses the development of the US approach to the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), from 1991 onwards. It examines theories of why a superpower would participate in a multilateral security institution, and investigates the motivations for the attitudes and extent of participation of the George H. Bush, Clinton and George W. Bush administrations towards the ARF. It argues that, in the post-Cold War period and in the face of a rising China, US East Asia strategy has been geared towards retaining the American preponderance of power. Thus, the US has pursued a strategy of containment and deterrence centred upon the regional bilateral alliance structure. Multilateral institutions have been treated as a supplementary means of supporting the secondary strategy of engaging with China. However, the ARF is not viewed as one of the important institutions through which to fulfil this supplementary aim. Because it cannot deal with the key regional security issues, the ARF is seen as a low-stakes arena by Washington. But the paper concludes that US participation in the ARF may nevertheless be crucial in boosting the legitimacy of American security interests in the region, thus helping to safeguard US preponderance.     

Education and economic growth in the United States: cross-national applications for an intra-national path analysis

Do the leading predictors of economic growth found in the cross-national research have a capacity to predict economic growth at the state level in the United States (US)? Are the effects of education spending on economic growth underestimated because research fails to examine the indirect effects of spending on economic growth? This article presents the findings from a study investigating the relationship between education and economic growth in US states while controlling for the effects of the leading predictors of economic growth from the cross-national research. It also utilizes a path model to examine direct and indirect relationships between education spending and economic growth measured as per capita income growth. The results indicate that spending on higher education and highway expenditures demonstrate a positive association with growth in per capita income, while K12 (kindergarten through 12th grade) spending and K12 pupil–teacher ratios demonstrate a negative association with income growth from 1988 to 2005. Moreover, K12 spending and population growth indirectly affect income growth through their relationship with K12 pupil–teacher ratios, and spending on higher education indirectly affects income growth through college attainment rates. Overall, all but one variable from the cross-national research demonstrates a significant direct or indirect relationship with income growth during at least one time-period investigated. Treating K12 pupil–teacher ratios and college attainment as mediating variables also enhances our understanding of the dynamics that explain growth in per capita income at the sub-national level in the US. However, some unexpected findings emerge when the data are analyzed on the basis of two eight-year sub-periods.     

Federalism, Political Structure, and Public Policy in the United States and Canada

Two of the three large countries on the North American continent—the United States and Canada—share a number of similarities that often make it difficult for the untrained observer to differentiate between the two nations. On the surface, the two are structured similarly as federal systems that, by definition, exhibit shared power between the national government and provincial or state political entities.Although there are other important social and economic characteristics of the two countries that help explain differences in policy processes and outcomes, it is the contention of this article that one gets the clearest sense of what Elazar has called thinking federal by utilizing an analytical approach that joins questions related to federalism with some conceptual frameworks of the public policy field. Two frameworks undergird the argument in this article—the Lowi typology of different types of policies and Deil Wright's typology of different models that describe the American inter-governmental system.In both countries, policies must be sensitive to the greater interdependencies between units of government as well as to linkages between policy areas. The mechanisms or instrumentalities for dealing with policy issues are intrinsically complex. It is also clear that the intergovernmental networks that exist in both the U.S. and Canada are composed of an array of actors. The differing political structures of the systems do impact the types of intergovernmental policies that have emerged in the two countries. The executive dominance so imbedded in Canadian governments has contributed to their ability to adopt and implement certain controversial redistributive policies, such as a national health insurance program. By contrast, the fragmentation of the U.S. system makes redistributive policies more difficult.     

美国宪法“正当法律程序“原则的经济效应分析

本文通过分析美国宪法“正当法律程序”的演变过程 ,并结合美国宪政变迁的实际历程 ,以及“正常法律程序”与美国经济发展的内在关联 ;对传统的宪政理论中的“经济决定论”进行认真反思 ,并初步提出自己的看法     

The structure of foreign policy attitudes in transatlantic perspective: Comparing the United States,United Kingdom,France and Germany

While public opinion about foreign policy has been studied extensively in the United States, there is less systematic research of foreign policy opinions in other countries. Given that public opinion about international affairs affects who gets elected in democracies and then constrains the foreign policies available to leaders once elected, both comparative politics and international relations scholarship benefit from more systematic investigation of foreign policy attitudes outside the United States. Using new data, this article presents a common set of core constructs structuring both American and European attitudes about foreign policy. Surveys conducted in four countries (the United States, the United Kingdom, France and Germany) provide an expanded set of foreign policy‐related survey items that are analysed using exploratory structural equation modeling (ESEM). Measurement equivalence is specifically tested and a common four‐factor structure that fits the data in all four countries is found. Consequently, valid, direct comparisons of the foreign policy preferences of four world powers are made. In the process, the four‐factor model confirms and expands previous work on the structure of foreign policy attitudes. The article also demonstrates the capability of ESEM in testing the dimensionality and cross‐national equivalence of social science concepts.     

The United States,Japan, and the European Union: comparing political economy approaches to China

Abstract

This paper examines US, Japanese, and European political economy approaches to China, and their effect on US–Japan and US–EU relationships. Great powers with a greater security concern in dealing with another major country care more about power while those with less of a concern are preoccupied with calculations for wealth. China's rise and its actions have posed a far greater security challenge to the United States and Japan and are driving the two countries closer together. The political economy game involving China reveals a dominant welfare motive among the advanced market economies. The ambition to transform China politically has diminished. China's integration into the global market makes a relative gains approach difficult to implement. Globalization simply limits the ability of a state to follow a politics-in-command approach in the absence of actual military conflict, which explains why the political economy approaches of the United States, Europe, and Japan are not that different in the scheme of things. China's own grand strategy to reach out to the world to outflank the US–Japan alliance has also contributed to a divergent European policy toward China although there are severe limitations to Beijing's ability to drive a wedge between the United States and Europe.     

Brokers and Entrepreneurs in Human Stem Cell Governance Networks in the United States

The policy debate over embryonic stem cell (ESC) research in the United States mainly focuses on the extent to which the government ought to provide resources for that research. This article addresses the strategic use of network positions to mobilize an effective coordination system for lifting the moratorium on funding of ESC under the Obama administration since March 2009. By identifying patterns of interactions between members in a network of embedded ties, we can explore the major actors who play the role of brokers or entrepreneurs in stem cell research funding policy under the Obama administration. For that, this article utilizes social network analysis and the G&F brokerage roles framework to identify key brokers in facilitating coordination among various members engaged in funding human stem cell research in the governance network.     

Mind the (Mobilization) Gap: Comparing Climate Activism in the United States and European Union

The barriers to concerted political action on climate change mitigation are steep, especially in multilevel systems where power is diffused and authority contested. This article seeks to explain how mobilization—galvanizing resources and people to participate actively—occurs in complex multilevel systems. It compares two different polities—the United States and the European Union—to tease out the key features of multilevel systems and how they affect climate activism and mobilization. To capture this dynamic, it proposes a three‐staged model of mobilization: awareness building, alliance building, and network creation. The latter stage features “mobilization networks”—stakeholder networks able to transcend levels and institutional inertia and steer polities toward particular climate goals. The article demonstrates how each stage of mobilization is highly contingent on stakeholders' ability to exploit—or at least navigate—multilevel institutional barriers.     

Public Attitudes toward Climate Science and Climate Policy in Federal Systems: Canada and the United States Compared1

Multilevel governance poses several challenges for the politics of climate change. On the one hand, the unequal distribution of power and interests can serve as a barrier to implementing coherent policy at a federal level. On the other, these features also enable policy leadership among sub‐federal units. In the context of wide variation in climate policy at both national and sub‐federal levels in Canada and in the United States, this paper utilizes an original data set to examine public attitudes and perceptions toward climate science and climate change policy in two federal systems. Drawing on national and provincial/state level data from telephone surveys administered in the United States and in Canada, the paper provides insight into where the public stands on the climate change issue in two of the most carbon‐intensive federal systems in the world. The paper includes the first directly comparable public opinion data on how Canadians and Americans form their opinions regarding climate matters and provides insight into the preferences of these two populations regarding climate policies at both the national and sub‐federal levels. Key findings are examined in the context of growing policy experiments at the sub‐federal level in both countries and limited national level progress in the adoption of climate change legislation.