共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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Youlang Zhang 《International Public Management Journal》2020,23(3):421-441
AbstractPrevious research on policy innovation diffusion generally focuses on organizational-level mechanisms while disregarding the actor-level diffusion channels. The current study explores how career cohorts among subnational leaders, who are classified based on political ranks and ages, shape inter-jurisdictional innovation diffusion in China. Compared with subnational leaders from different cohorts, those from the same cohort tend to share relatively homogeneous policy information and compete with one another intensely because of the overlapping future career opportunities, thereby creating a particular pattern of policy interdependence across multiple jurisdictions. We perform a directed dyad-year event history analysis to evaluate the diffusion of China’s provincial-level administrative licensing centers from 1999 to 2015. Empirical analysis shows that after controlling for multiple previously identified diffusion mechanisms and internal determinants, the cohort effect among provincial party chiefs significantly increases the likelihood of innovation diffusion in China. 相似文献
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Exit,voice and loyalty: Analytic and empirical developments 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
Dowding Keith John Peter Mergoupis Thanos Van Vugt Mark 《European Journal of Political Research》2000,37(4):469-495
Abstract. This paper seeks to reconstruct and revitalize the famous Hirschman framework by providing a comprehensive review of the current use of 'exit, voice and loyalty'. We begin by critically examining Hirchman's original account, and then look at the way his argument has been extended in different fields both conceptually and empirically. We suggest that while advances have been made, the results so far are somewhat disappointing given the perceptiveness of the original insight. We believe this is because his apparently simple schema is more complex than it first appears, and different aspects of exit, of voice, and of empirical foundations of loyalty need to be analytically distinguished in order to produce testable empirical hypotheses about their relationships. 相似文献
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CHRISTEL KOOP CHRISTINE REH EDOARDO BRESSANELLI 《European Journal of Political Research》2018,57(3):563-586
In many political systems, legislators serve multiple principals who compete for their loyalty in legislative votes. This article explores the political conditions under which legislators choose between their competing principals in multilevel systems, with a focus on how election proximity shapes legislative behaviour across democratic arenas. Empirically, the effect of electoral cycles on national party delegations’ ‘collective disloyalty’ with their political groups in the European Parliament (EP) is analysed. It is argued that election proximity changes the time horizons, political incentives and risk perceptions of both delegations and their principals, ‘punctuating’ cost‐benefit calculations around defection as well as around controlling, sanctioning and accommodating. Under the shadow of elections, national delegations’ collective disloyalty with their transnational groups should, therefore, increase. Using a new dataset with roll‐call votes cast under legislative codecision by delegations between July 1999 and July 2014, the article shows that the proximity of planned national and European elections drives up disloyalty in the EP, particularly by delegations from member states with party‐centred electoral rules. The results also support a ‘politicisation’ effect: overall, delegations become more loyal over time, but the impact of election proximity as a driver of disloyalty is strongest in the latest parliament analysed (i.e., 2009–2014). Furthermore, disloyalty is more likely in votes on contested and salient legislation, and under conditions of Euroscepticism; by contrast, disloyalty is less likely in votes on codification files, when a delegation holds the rapporteurship and when the national party participates in government. The analysis sheds new light on electoral politics as a determinant of legislative choice under competing principals, and on the conditions under which politics ‘travels’ across democratic arenas in the European Union's multilevel polity. 相似文献
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Johnson GR 《Politics and the life sciences》2011,30(2):43-64
Politics and the life sciences--also referred to as biopolitics--is a field of study that seeks to advance knowledge of politics and promote better policymaking through multidisciplinary analysis that draws on the life sciences. While the intellectual origins of the field may be traced at least into the 1960s, a broadly organized movement appeared only with the founding of the Association for Politics and the Life Sciences (APLS) in 1980 and the establishment of its journal, Politics and the Life Sciences ( PLS ), in 1982. This essay--contributed by a past journal editor and association executive director--concludes a celebration of the association's thirtieth anniversary. It reviews the founding of the field and the association, as well as the contributions of the founders. It also discusses the nature of the empirical work that will advance the field, makes recommendations regarding the identity and future of the association, and assesses the status of the revolution of which the association is a part. It argues that there is progress to celebrate, but that this revolution--the last of three great scientific revolutions--is still in its early stages. The revolution is well-started, but remains unfinished. 相似文献
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Jane Shaw 《公共行政管理与发展》1998,18(4):399-412
This article is a contribution to the debate on cross-cultural transfer of management practice. It describes the difficulties experienced in introducing ‘western’ management theory in a Pakistan government training centre; considers the social and cultural context and the local management style; analyses the differences in six key areas of management and discusses their implications for management trainers; and proposes a ‘middle way’ to ensure that management material is culturally acceptable and practically appropriate. © 1998 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
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This article deals with the flexibility of public expenditure, or perhaps the lack of it. Inflexibility finds its roots in the establishment of public services, their expansion and development. Therefore, in this article the structure and development of the public sector is discussed. In many western countries the largest part of the public sector consists of transfer expenditures. These statutory programs are directly affected by economic development, cyclical and structural. That is why attention is directed here to the relationship between the economic situation and perspective on the one hand and the public sector on the other. These are also a reflection of the sociological and political development of the society in question. This is a relationship that is difficult to examine in terms of managing expenditures. In addition, inflexibility is a product of the public services provided, and certain methods, such as multiyear budgeting, can further enhance inflexibility. In the last part of this article, methods to create more flexibility in public expenditure are discussed. Experience with new budget techniques to enlarge flexibility is considered. 相似文献
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There is widespread consensus on the theoretical foundations of the differing mandates hypothesis, that in mixed-member systems district legislators are more likely to defect from the party line than list legislators. However, the empirical evidence for this hypothesis is extremely weak. Is the hypothesis itself fundamentally flawed, or does the long list of intervening variables cited in the literature account for these weak results? This paper examines the differing mandates hypothesis in a case, Taiwan from 1993 to 2007, in which none of the proposed intervening variables should alter expectations. If the hypothesis is not supported in this baseline case, perhaps it should be discarded altogether. In fact, there is strong support for the hypothesis, indicating that the hypothesis is not fundamentally flawed, though it may be less robust than commonly believed. 相似文献
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Public Choice - Under the system of presidential appointments of regional governors, which existed in Russia from 2005 to 2012, gubernatorial loyalty to the central government and particularly... 相似文献
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Ruth Pidwell 《社会征候学》2013,23(1):71-92
The study of language as a ‘site of struggle’ has generated a burgeoning body of feminist research. Over the past decade the two concepts central to the feminist debate on language— language and woman—have come under scrutiny from a variety of theoretical fronts. Recognising the inherent instability of both these categories, this paper adopts a poststruc‐turalist approach to the discussion on gender and language in an examination of one area of gender contestation—religious proclamation. An analysis of the discursive construction of four preaching events shows the ‘gendering’ of the whole communicative process to be more complex and ambiguous than previous studies on gender and preaching have suggested. 相似文献
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Michael Di Francesco 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2016,75(2):236-248
This paper explores the features of public budgeting that make it resistant to efforts to balance central oversight and situational flexibility. Its aim is to help explain why systemic efforts at budget modernisation in the name of ‘devolution’ may have failed to deliver expanded budget flexibility. After defining flexibility, and briefly surveying how it can be inhibited by budget practices using the example of collaboration, the paper applies a taxonomy of general ‘budget rules’ to illustrate the trade‐offs between control and flexibility. It uses an analysis of budget reform in the Australian federal government over the last 30 years to identify a key set of ‘legacy reforms’ – all intended primarily to enable budget flexibility – to show how their design and redesign were purposed as modification to the general rules, and how, ultimately, they were constrained by them. 相似文献
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Bernhard Forchtner 《Patterns of Prejudice》2019,53(3):285-301
ABSTRACTIn this article, Forchtner investigates the construction of an ‘ideal’, extreme-right, ecologically sensitive subject. A concern for the natural environment is in no way new to the extreme right, and has long been part of its ideological make-up. In particular, claims that the laws of nature are applicable to the social world and that a community is embedded in an ecosystem have long been features of a right-wing ecological imaginary. Through an analysis of all the articles on a paradigmatic ecological issue, biodiversity, published in Germany’s exemplary extreme-right magazine preoccupied with ecology, Umwelt & Aktiv (Environment & Active), this cultural imaginary is reconstructed. Included in it as key themes are human responsibility for environmental degradation, the ecological value of flora and fauna, and criticism of modernity’s levelling tendencies (both biologically and culturally). Taking responsibility for the community’s Heimat (homeland) is, consequently, a crucial element for this subject: a subject who aims for purity, order and the stability of ecosystems. 相似文献