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1.
协商民主是中国民主政治发展的重要形式,中国协商民主实践包括三个基本场域,统一战线是中国协商民主发展的基本场域之一;统一战线应发挥推进民主、社会整合、政治参与、平等对话的作用,从提升协商民主主体的自觉协商意识、促进协商的有效达成,拓宽协商民主领域、促进宏观协商与微观协商互动,夯实协商民主的基础等方面实现自身功能转换,以更好地为我国协商民主建设服务。  相似文献   

2.
当前,中国农村基层协商治理的实践形态主要有决策性协商治理、听证性协商治理、咨询性协商治理、协调性协商治理和评议性协商治理等五种类型,这些协商性实践形态体现了多元主体互动合作、民主共治的协商治理。随着中国农村经济社会的不断开放和多元化发展,农村基层协商治理的政治价值和民主效能逐渐显现,但在其发展过程中仍面临着许多现实困境。优化中国农村基层协商治理应主要从培育乡村治理主体的民主理念和民主素养、改进协商治理的具体制度设计和安排、构建良好的协商治理机制运行环境和完善以信息技术和大众传媒为核心的设施建设着手。  相似文献   

3.
协商治理是公共治理理论的重要组成部分。中国特色社会主义协商治理必须首先解决西方公共治理理论在中国的有效适用问题,而不是将西方治理理论在中国社会进行简单嫁接。当下中国协商治理面临的困境主要是:协商治理研究的泛化倾向、协商治理主体的权威流失、协商治理官本位思想浓厚、协商治理共识难以形成。破解之策在于:建构中国特色社会主义协商治理的话语体系、确立中国特色社会主义协商治理的主体权威、整合中国特色社会主义协商治理多元主体的利益、建构中国特色社会主义协商治理的现代模式。  相似文献   

4.
《学理论》2021,(5)
社会治理体系和治理能力现代化建设目标的设立,对于如何立足社会现实,探究协商治理的话语建构和实践逻辑就成为重要的学术命题。协商治理理论必须植根于中国实际,形成中国协商治理的话语体系;协商治理理论必须以马克思主义国家观为指导,深入研究作为我国协商治理生存土壤的中国传统治理理念及其实践;协商治理的必然主体是党领导的广大人民群众,在此基础上探究协商治理的实践路径,维护党中央权威和集中统一领导,治理主体达成广泛社会共识,全面依法治国语境下的依法治理。  相似文献   

5.
李发戈 《团结》2013,(3):12-14
我国协商民主的主体既包括政党、人大、政府和政协等政治组织.也包括有各种利益关系的公众。其中公众既指公民个人.也指其他法人组织和社会组织。协商的内容也不仅仅是政治事务,而且涵盖公共事务、社会事务等其他事务。在协商民主中,公众主要通过自由平等的对话、讨论、审议等方式参与公共政策的制定和公共事务的管理。协商民主与公众参与相结合,对于促进公共利益,化解各种复杂的矛盾和纠纷,维护社会稳定等具有重要的意义。  相似文献   

6.
协商民主在我国经历了多年的发展后,已经日趋科学和理性化:参与主体由政治精英趋向于社会各阶层的多元化;参与方式由政治机构的商讨趋向于网络与现实相结合的多样化;参与领域由政治决策的磋商趋向于覆盖社会民生各个方面;参与制度由政治制度趋向于社会生活和管理方面的各项制度.虽然如此,但是人民政协的制度化、程序化、规范化不够;参与民主协商的各主体地位不够平等;协商民主的方式有待进一步完善;协商民主的组织管理模式尚待进一步创新.这些问题较严重地制约着我国协商民主的全面发展.要促进我国协商民主的健康发展,必须建立体系化的协商民主的各项制度,确保各协商民主参与主体的地位平等,扩大和务实协商民主的参与方式和途径,引导协商民主深入社会生活,促进社会发展的协调.只有这样,才能真正发挥社会主义协商民主的作用,提高人民群众参政议政的自觉性和主动性,确保社会和谐稳定地发展.  相似文献   

7.
基层协商民主是中国特色协商民主的一个重要层次,是发展中国特色社会主义协商民主的基础性工作。在内涵上,基层协商民主就是我国基层组织和基层单位的各类主体,通过有组织地协商,依法参与基层公共决策和基层社会治理的民主实践;在外延上,基层协商民主的领域和范围包括城市社区协商民主、农村协商民主和企事业单位协商民主。  相似文献   

8.
《学理论》2017,(10)
社会主义协商民主是中国社会主义民主政治的特有形式和独特优势。协商民主的精髓在于突出作为社会主体的人民对社会公共事务的积极参与,正所谓"商以求同,协以成事"。党的十八大和十八届三中、四中全会强调,要积极推进协商民主广泛多层制度化发展。协商民主不仅要具有"广泛性",更应具有"多层性",即体现在政党协商、人大协商、政府协商、人民团体和社会组织协商以及基层协商等各方面。同时,协商民主制度的确立与切实发展还需要提升公民的主体意识、理性能力等方面基本素质。因此,要推进多层协商民主制度的发展还要加强公民文化素质建设,从而为这一制度的有效运转提供必要的主体支持。  相似文献   

9.
李春耕 《党政论坛》2012,(17):26-28
近些年来,随着经济高速发展,社会快速转型,利益,主体日益多元化,人们的利益预期和诉求也普遍提高,中国社会已进入社会矛盾和风险的高发期。面对这种情况,最近在党的文件中不断提到社会管理、  相似文献   

10.
网络群体性事件协商治理是通过对话和协商,调适网络群体性事件相关主体之间利益冲突的一种治理形式,它有助于预防事件的发生、遏制事件的升级甚至是消解事件的负面影响。它奉行民主治理的理念,以公共理性为价值取向,以公共协商为主要途径。网络群体性事件协商治理的运作逻辑应遵循网络群体性事件的生成机理与演进规律,具体包括风险消减中的利益表达与协商式吸纳、舆情监测中的网络回应与协商式疏导、危机处置中的应急决策与协商式联动。当前,可通过建立多元化资源分配机制和增强弱势群体的资源利用能力等方式,矫正协商主体的不平等,为网络群体性事件协商治理创造条件。  相似文献   

11.
The paper describes the historical development of metropolitan planning and administration in Metro Manila, and identifies five major problems: the sectoral isolation of planning; the inadequate involvement of local government; inadequacies in planning methods; weaknesses in the system of resource management; and institutional fragmentation. The development of the Capital Investment Folio process, its institutional framework and the main characteristics and results of applying the approach are described. The benefits and lessons which have emerged are then set out and their possible application elsewhere discussed. The main achievements of CIF are progress towards a rational system of urban planning; the generation of consensus within government about Manila's investment strategy; a more widespread appreciation of opportunity costs; and a new understanding of how to plan under conditions of uncertainty. It remains for CIF to be integrated into the national resource allocation process, and to be fully accepted by national government agencies. Local government still needs to be positively involved in the planning process.  相似文献   

12.
Using the idea of regime formation and cooperation in international political economy as a guide, this paper assesses the first stage (Cross-cceptance) of implementing the New Jersey stateplanning process as an attempt to construct a base of mutually shared norms and interests between state and local governments in the area of land use planning. The conclusion is that the first round of implementation was instrumental in building norms and consensus-especially in the face of strong resistance to state planning from the policy environment. The main reason for the effectiveness of the Cross-Acceptance process was that it brought local, county and state officials to a forum where they were able to discuss areas of consensus and discord.  相似文献   

13.
Abstract

This article is a case study of the National Commission on Manufactured Housing and its attempt to reform the regulatory system. It describes the importance of manufactured housing as an affordable alternative to site‐built housing and tells how efforts to reform the regulatory system through a consensus process initially succeeded but ultimately failed.

The article shows that while the consensus process was essential to get agreement among conflicting parties, consensus will hold only when all parties are sufficiently dissatisfied with the status quo to endure the cost of change. While the short‐term prospects for reform are dim, the long‐term prospects are more promising, as a few large manufacturers offer better warranties and as programs devolve from the federal government to the states.  相似文献   

14.
Recognizing that policy implementation requires cooperation at different points in the policymaking process, many policymakers are using innovative techniques to bring together and conciliate divergent interests. This article looks at a technique called “cross acceptance” that was employed by the state of New Jersey in its attempt to institute statewide land-use planning. New Jersey policymakers envisioned the cross acceptance process as a means of managing conflict, sharing information, and building consensus on the implementation of state planning. The article, concludes that the process was valuable in building norms and consensus and that it was successful because it brought local, county, and state officials to a shared forum to consider areas of consensus and discord. State planning officials incorporated the information yielded from the process into various iterations of the preliminary planning process, thereby effectively building support for the state planning effort.  相似文献   

15.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(5):454-468
ABSTRACT

The end of the Cold war has seen an explosion in Holocaust history, and some significant changes in the main historiographical explanations. The ‘return of ideology’ that began displacing the ‘functionalist’ or ‘structuralist’ dominance of the 1980s remains strong. But it is being supplemented by very detailed regional and local studies, by analyses of different experiences of ghettoization in different places, and by a focus on the widespread plunder and corruption that accompanied the killing process. This enormous attention to detail reveals that the Holocaust unfolded differently in different places; but it also demonstrates the existence of an overall framework in which all the operations took place, what we might call an ‘antisemitic consensus’. Simultaneously, historians have broadened the discussion of the Holocaust, situating it into a transnational or world-historical context of imperialism and colonialism. Stone outlines in broad brush some of these themes, and asks what effects they have had and will continue to have on Europeans' self-understanding in an age in which the post-war anti-fascist consensus has been dismantled while Holocaust-consciousness is officially enshrined into European identity.  相似文献   

16.
Abstract. This article describes the process of the aggregation of individual ministerial preferences into group decisions in a national cabinet, on the basis of a sample of crucial Dutch foreign policy decisions as described in the minutes of the council of ministers. The results of the study show that decisions in the cabinet were mainly made according to the norms of this group, which were consensus and the non-interference of ministers in issues not concerning their department. Consensus turned out to be of secondary importance as compared with noninterference; key ministers could push through decisions by majority rule if they had consensus among themselves. Since specialists mostly made the decisions, the task of non-specialist ministers was mainly to function as approvers or disapprovers, though they did make some minor contributions in cases of disagreement among the specialists. When there was agreement among the specialists they followed a process resembling the analytic model, i. e. one based on consideration of the consequences. However, when there was disagreement between specialists, they engaged in a cybernetic decision process, reviewing sequentially a large number of options, neglecting the consequences and striving for a consensus option such as incremental action, which would frequently be the result of a compromise.  相似文献   

17.
Abstract. Three strategies which may emerge out of politicians' concepts of rationality (problems solving, agenda management, creation of consensus) are applied to one of the main features of Austrian politics, namely the differentation of policy sectors dominated either by political parties or interest groups. The Equal Treatment Act, which had been transferred from the corporatist arena to the arena of the party system, involved the rationalities of both political parties and interest groups. This paper analyses the 'extended' process of legislation of this law (including implementation). The empirical findings are then linked to the theoretical propositions about the rationalities of the respective political actors. Finally, hypotheses about the conditions of issue transfers from the corporatist arena into the arena of the party system are suggested.  相似文献   

18.
This article forwards the argument that combining institutional and people participation is fundamental to the pursuit of ‘sustainability’. A generalized model of participation is proposed based on building consensus and preventing/resolving conflict between all stakeholders who might be influential in, or affected by, the effect of major developments on a society's goals for sustainability. This ‘consensus’ participation model seeks to overcome problems relating to the exclusive nature of community-based ‘popular’ participation (such as Participatory Rural Appraisal), and the narrow economic nature of current ‘stakeholder’ participation. The model is founded upon two ideas: that to achieve consensus requires stakeholders to negotiate and reach agreement collaboratively, and that certain stakeholders (e.g. the disenfranchised poor and entrenched government bureaucracies) are often polarized from a capability to contribute effectively to this process. In a manner similar to the introduction of methodologies to guide environmental management in project planning (environmental impact assessment, land use evaluation etc.), it is suggested that methodological frameworks are needed to aid the process of integrating ‘consensus’ participation within major development initiatives (large-scale projects, sectoral programmes, strategic land use or resource management planning, and regional and national policy formulation). Based on research in Zambia, an example of a consensus-orientated participation framework is presented, designed to guide preparation of strategic management plans for protected areas. The example is used to draw out some of the benefits of ‘consensus’ participation. © 1997 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

19.
This article illuminates the contribution of stakeholder dialogues to environmental policy making. It makes a distinction between stakeholder dialogues as consensus building and stakeholder dialogues as deliberation. Although consensus building seems to be the dominant approach in participatory environmental policy making, this article questions the merits of consensus building and it uses the experience of the Dutch stakeholder dialogue project Climate OptiOns for the Long term (COOL) to explore, in a deliberative design, the shortcomings of a consensus-building approach and how they are possibly dealt with. The article presents the results of two deliberative methods that have been used in the COOL project – the repertory grid analysis and the dialectical approach – to demonstrate how a deliberative design can help policy makers to critically assess arguments in favor of and against a broad range of policy options, and deal with stakeholder conflict in an early phase of the policy process.  相似文献   

20.
哈贝马斯的社会批判理论通过言语行为的机制协调功能约束主体间的行为,从而实现从话语结构角度解释社会的目的,进而回答了社会秩序何以可能的经典之问。研究哈贝马斯言语行为三重功能模式理论,必须要思考三个问题:第一,是什么的问题,即哈贝马斯所主张的三重功能模式理论的具体内容是什么;第二,为什么是的问题,即为什么是言语行为使主体间达成共识,而不是权力、货币或其他相关媒介;第三,如何是的问题,即言语行为如何使主体间达成共识。  相似文献   

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