The Congress and fiscal policy

Although the common belief is that the Congress has paid little attention to fiscal policy, the same kinds of political-economic models which have been used to explain presidential budgetary policy may be used equally well to explain congressional budgetary behavior. The Congress' fiscal policy appears to be systematically sensitive to both economic and political factors. Changes in the unemployment rate have a major impact on congressional budgetary policy. As for political factors, the President's lead is followed most closely on revenue proposals and not at all on the expenditure side. The electoral cycle, in particular the off-year congressional election year, is also important; inducing larger deficits and smaller increases in revenues. When the influences on congressional fiscal behavior are compared with those on presidential behavior, the sources of the generally more expansionary congressional fiscal policy are identified. Congressional budget deficits increase in response to increased rates of unemployment but are insensitive to increases in inflation. In contrast, presidential budgets are heavily influenced by inflation and the growth in personal income — increases in each resulting in smaller proposed deficits — as well as by unemployment rates. In years in which both unemployment and inflation are increasing, the combination of the two (assuming a one percentage point change in each) implies an increase in the congressional deficit of $6.7 billion but a decrease in the president's proposed deficit of $2.5 billion. The implications of this study are a challenge to the literature which makes the President the central actor in macro-economic policy.     

Revisiting the Character of Congress

SUMMARY

This article examines how character assessments affected the electoral fortunes of incumbent members of the U.S. House of Representatives during the period from 1966-1996. The findings of several linear regressions suggest that party affiliation constrains both when voters react to allegations of scandalous behavior and how they react to different kinds of allegations. The electoral cycle assists incumbent members who have engaged in scandalous behavior escape retribution from their constituents, allowing the majority to be reelected. Also reviewed are findings from the 1998-2002 timeframe. It concludes that voters do concern themselves with character issues, but that the party affiliation of the member and the type of scandal work in concert with the electoral process to mitigate the negative impact on the vote.     

Congress and Reagan's New Federalism

This article analyzes the congressional response to the Reaganadministration's New Federalism proposals in terms of party,region, and constituency during Reagan's first term. While theCongress approved various spending cuts in grants to local andstate governments and in means-tested benefit programs to thepoor, even in 1981 when New Federalism initiatives enjoyed themost success, Congress terminated only one program, CETA publicservice jobs. A stalemate developed in 1982. The Reagan administrationand the congressional Republicans could not impose further majorspending cuts or program terminations, and the congressionalDemocrats could not restore the 1981 cuts or add new aid programs.Although the stalemate continued on New Federalism's dismantlingof aid programs as a grand scheme even into 1985, after PresidentReagan's reelection, Congress continued to approve incrementalcuts in overall spending, and the $200 billion budget deficitremained as a lever to force even greater cuts and program terminationsin the years ahead.     

Federalism in the 101st Congress

This article identifies important congressional roll-call votes,calculates a federalism score similar to that reported previouslyin Publius, and through factor analysis, examines the underlyingdimensions offederalism voting. The resulting federalism indicatorsare analyzed to determine their relationship to partisan andideological variables. Finally, the federalism orientation ofthe 101st Senate is compared with that of the 101st House ofRepresentatives as well as that of the 97th Senate.     

Changing minds? Not in Congress!

This paper shows a variety of evidence that members of Congress are ideologically consistent. Based upon the roll call voting record, once elected to Congress, members adopt a consistent ideological position and maintain it over time. There may be changing minds, but they are not in Congress.     

人民代表大会的定性及其意义

本认为，作为我国根本政治制度的人民代表大会制度，长期以来缺乏完整的理论基础，特别是对人民代表大会的性质还存在着模糊的认识，这种状况不利于我国政治改革实践的顺利进行。本认为人民代表大会制度是现代化后发国家政治发展史上的一座丰碑，是对近代西方议会制度的一种超越，而将人民代表大会视为民权机关具有重要的历史、理论和现实意义。本就人民代表大会的性质作一初步探讨，以期对人民代表大会制度的理论建设起一些抛砖引玉的作用。     

关于上海市职代会立法若干问题的思考

2009年,上海市启动了本市职代会的立法工作,并将《上海市职工代表大会条例））（以下简称《条例》）纳入了市人大2010年正式立法计划。目前,市人大、市总工会正会同市人力资源和社会保障局、市政府法制办、市工商联和市企联等部门以及部分专家学者组成立法调研小组紧锣密鼓地开展立法调研工作。     

Disabled SSI recipients who work.

A substantial working history is not a characteristic normally associated with recipients of Supplemental Security Income (SSI) payments. Yet nearly 80 percent of all SSI disabled recipients have worked before applying for SSI and 20 percent work after they start receiving SSI payments. This study takes a look at various facets of the work histories of disabled SSI recipients, including the amount and types of work done, and the types of recipients who seem most likely to work. Information on these histories was obtained from a 1-percent sample file cross-matched to SSI administrative records and other agency files containing data on employment histories and industry codes. Also discussed are the implications that these work histories have for efforts by the Social Security Administration to encourage SSI disabled recipients to begin or resume work.