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ABSTRACT

In the recent Brazilian Netflix series 3% (Aguilera 2016), international audiences were presented with an array of visual reminders about the legacy of historic human rights abuses in Brazil. With the image of the pau de arara as a point of historic and semiotic reference, this paper adopts evidence and ideas from New Capitalist History to extend the interrogation of the historical memory of torture in Brazil in particular, to the rise and predominance of coercive practices in workplace cultures in free societies in general. This interrogation demonstrates the need for paradigm shifts within Western academic disciplines. First, to re-locate historically modern slavery in political philosophy as central to conceptions of “evil,” and second to overturn the notion of discontinuity and incompatibility between slavery and capitalism. Throughout this interrogation, a short story by Machado de Assis and Lissovsky’s critique of processes of memorialisation of human rights abuses open up the possibility of revisionist thinking about technologies of power, under slavery, military rule, and democratic regimes in Brazil; an approach which suggests systematic and sustained “cultures of cruelty” past and present (Giroux).  相似文献   

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Why, despite improving living conditions, has the acceptance of the Western system of institutions (democracy, market economy) decreased in the past few years in eastern Germany? This article criticises the widely held socialisation thesis which seeks to explain the declining acceptance of the Western system on the basis of the difficulties faced by east Germans in adapting to the new conditions. Their attitudes were formed by the socialist system of the GDR, and they still clung to socialist ideals. This article, on the contrary, argues that the declining trust in political institutions and market economy results from current experiences of the transformation process in unified Germany, primarily as a consequence of being treated as ‘not equal’ to west Germans.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

This article challenges the ahistorical figure of the ‘steppe nomad’ by presenting some of the main characteristics of Kazakh nomadic pastoralism, which vary widely in time and space. It compares two ethnographic studies conducted a century apart in the same place in south-eastern Kazakhstan: a statistical survey from 1910 and an account of a transhumance in which the author took part in June 2012. Sedentary pastoralism now prevails in Kazakhstan, but a system of seasonal pastures endures in some areas. In Ra?ymbek District (Almaty Province), vertical nomadism takes advantage of the altitudinal variations of vegetation and climate. This article demonstrates both the continuity of nomadic routes despite successive crises during the twentieth century, and considers the overall change from quasi-nomadism to quasi-sedentarism. This comparison a century apart also fosters dialogue between history and social anthropology through a dual synchronic approach, seeking to restore historicity to our understanding of pastoral nomadism.  相似文献   

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This paper contrasts the right‐wing potential in east and west Germany before and after unification in 1990 and relates it to patterns and changes in the east and west German political processes. The first is a restructuring of the political spectrum of the Bonn Republic prior to the fall of the Wall in which an electoral potential for new right‐wing parties has emerged. The second is the rapid and fundamental transformation process in the east and after the collapse of state socialism which takes place in the context of a modified subject culture with authoritarian and traditional patterns. Unification reinforces authoritarian and traditional patterns. Unification enforces those dynamics which had prepared the ground for the emergence of the New Right in the west while adding the insecurities and imponderabilities of the transformation process in the east.  相似文献   

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In 1989 President Stroessner was overthrown after almost 35 years in power. This led to a process of transition over the following decade which included elections at presidential, congressional, and municipal levels, as well as a democratic constitution, which guaranteed full political and civil liberties. However, the transition has been complicated by the continued prominence of the same political and military forces that supported Stroessner, and that have proved reluctant to withdraw from power. As a result, instead of representing a complete break with an authoritarian past, the transition has combined elements of continuity and change. This has led to a conservative and faltering transition, characterised by frequent political crises and the lack of socio‐economic reform. This article analyses the major structural and institutional obstacles to the consolidation of democracy in Paraguay. It then brings the reader up to date, by examining the events of 1998/1999, a period in which Paraguay's transition came under the greatest threat, and which revealed both its greatest strengths and weaknesses.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

Why are some authoritarian leaders able to stave off violent challengers to their rule while others falter? This article analyzes several case studies involving a series of nondemocratic governments and violent non-state actors waging war and posits that different combinations of variables lead to dissimilar outcomes (ranging from “civil war/insurgency”, “regime implosion” or “foreign-based overthrow”, “negotiated peace”, to “strategic advance and retreat”). Accordingly, “embattled authoritarians” require a high level of “political-military aid” over time from a supportive foreign power to effectively combat “violent non-state challengers”. However, it is difficult for such governments to completely escape from “embattled” status, particularly if a supportive foreign power does not exert influence to set parameters for peace between the warring parties and the level of international interference (i.e. political-military aid abetting violent non-state challengers courtesy of other foreign powers) does not recede over time. This article concludes with a forecast on Afghanistan and Tajikistan’s respective futures and discusses how the onset of political instability within the former may serve to destabilize the political situation in the latter.  相似文献   

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This paper charts the nature of political cleavage between major parties in post-Arab Spring elections in five Mediterranean region countries, with data from online opt-in surveys. We compare the Moroccan elections, held under a consolidated authoritarian regime, with the transitional cases of Tunisia and Egypt as well as the more mature democracies of Turkey and Israel. Voter opinions are obtained on 30 salient issues, and parties and voters are aligned along two dimensions. We trace country-specific cleavage patterns and reflections of party system maturity in these five countries. The cases of Egypt, Tunisia and Morocco reveal that in less settled cleavage structures there is little congruence between vote propensities for parties and agreement levels with policy positions compared to the more institutionalized democracies of Israel and Turkey where voters exhibit a higher likelihood to vote for a party as the distance between the voter and the party in the policy space gets smaller.  相似文献   

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Abstract

About thirty years ago, in the 1940s, the chief of a local Tai (Thai) community brought in a bicycle from Thailand. He did not use it for riding because the roads there were too rough and narrow. But he made good use of this strange piece by collecting five baht from curious viewers.  相似文献   

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Ten years after unification, Germany still maintains its post-Second World War foreign policy course based on transatlantic multilateralism and European integration despite changes in Germany's international and domestic contexts. This study argues that neither realist nor institutionalist explanations can explain the post-unification pattern of German foreign policy. Instead, continuity and change in this policy can be understood best through a role-theoretical approach based on the civilian power idealtype. Two causal pathways are developed which account for continuity in foreign policy orientation (goals) and strategies while explaining change in the choice of foreign policy instruments. First, the apparent success of Germany's traditional foreign policy role concept during and after unification helped to reify a broad foreign policy consensus around the goals and strategies of an ideal-type civilian power. Second, major foreign policy crises, such as the Yugoslavian wars, stirred the long held hierarchy between the core values of reticence vis-à-vis the use of force (never again German militarism) and the special German responsibility to prevent genocide (never again Auschwitz). The interaction between domestic and foreign expectations provides a promising source for explaining change and continuity in Germany's foreign policy role concept and behaviour.  相似文献   

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Vertically simultaneous elections to state-wide and regional legislatures provide us with a naturally occurring experiment in which to examine regionalism and multi-level voting. We examine the 2006 vertically and horizontally simultaneous state-wide and regional elections in Ukraine to determine how the internal dynamics of regionalism within a state account for the dissimilarity of voting behavior across electoral levels. Drawing on the party competition literature, we demonstrate that variations in both supply (parties) and demand (voters) produce considerable dissimilarity between regional and state results, with lower levels of consolidation and greater fractionalization at the regional level. We show that political cleavages operate differently across levels, that regional distinctiveness rather than regional authority better predicts first order-ness in regional elections, and that voters display varying tolerance for polarization at the regional and state level.  相似文献   

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For several decades, Northeast Asia has invested heavily in ASEAN’s fossil fuel industries. This investment has been fundamental in ASEAN’s industrial and regional development and has also been a main source of foreign exchange. In recent years, however, while energy demand in Japan and Korea has been slowing down, it has begun to increase rapidly in ASEAN at a time when some of its own oil and gas fields are beginning to decline. The sharp rise in ASEAN's demand for energy is partly the result of massive FDI from Northeast Asia in manufacturing enterprises. This investment is enabling ASEAN to become less dependent on the export of fossil fuels for foreign exchange. Indonesia has already announced it is reducing its energy exports to Japan because it wants to use the fuel domestically. Without doubt, the other ASEAN energy exporting countries will also soon be reconsidering their energy export contracts with Northeast Asia.  相似文献   

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Wen Lang Li 《East Asia》1993,12(1):59-71
Both global and historical contexts point to the importance of studying ethnic issues in Taiwan. In this article the author attempts to examine the political conflicts between the immigrants and natives in Taiwan and their resource mobilization strategies. Statistical findings based on Taiwan’s election outcomes since 1986 are presented. The triangular relationship among the T-KMT, C-KMT, and DPP are analyzed. It is predicted that the mobilization strategies for the younger generation of immigrants may go beyond the tradiational political arena. Wen Lang Li is professor of sociology at Ohio State University and author ofTaiwan’s Population and Social Development (Taiwan Jenkou Yu Shehui Fachan), (Taipei: Tungta Books, 1991), andRethinking the Welfare State (Fuli Shehui di Shengsi), (Taipei, Youth Cultural Enterprises, 1992).  相似文献   

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While its economic dynamism stimulates continued growth in Asia, China's increasing demand for energy is creating intense competition, particularly with Japan, over international sources of supply. Domestic fields have generally been disappointing, as have efforts to pipe gas from Central Asia and Russia to the east coast. Consequently, China is not only paying greater attention to potential petroleum resources in the East and South China Seas, but also considering the vulnerability of its sea-lanes to the Middle East and beyond. Its need to diversify has promoted closer relations with Central Asia, the Middle East, and the oil producing countries of Africa and Latin America, but the jury is out on whether China's concerns for secure energy supply will lead to international cooperation against terrorism or fuel the already heated competition for oil and gas. As China continues to assure its future energy security in Asia and many areas of the world, sustained bilateral and multilateral diplomacy to reconcile disputes and avoid conflict will become more important than ever.  相似文献   

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This article argues that British power in Northern Ireland has been subject to considerable constraints throughout the conflict and its policy has been marked more by continuity than is usually acknowledged. The survival of bipartisanship is an indication that such constraints affect governments of both major parties and result in a tendency towards continuity in government policy between the parties. There have been changes and short-term shifts in policy, or 'tactical adjustments', but the trajectory of British policy has been relatively consistent since at least 1972. Since the collapse of the Sunningdale Agreement in 1974, the thrust of British policy towards Northern Ireland has been directed at reconstructing that settlement. The continuity of British policy is also apparent in the consistency of its apparent 'inconsistencies and contradictions'. These 'contradictions' arise, first, out of the recognition of Northern Ireland's exceptional position in British politics and, secondly, out of the perceived requirements of the 'propaganda war' that has been waged over the conflict.  相似文献   

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