又一场"猫鼠游戏"

箭已在弦上,只待一声号令。谁来发号施令?有人说开仗全凭布利克斯一句话。其实不然。真正发号令者当是美国总统布什。 时间选择上,最好在冬季。夏季沙漠风暴一起,连天上飞机也要被刮走。伊斯兰斋月之后到第二年3月,气候最适宜美国大兵去打仗。然而海湾战争“沙漠风暴”指挥官鲍威尔出言:五六月出兵也无妨,天热可以晚上凉快时作战。此言一出,五角大楼颇为不悦:你这位弃武从文的大将军,净说些风凉话。 美国人本来就性急,布什总统     

菲律宾人的认真

去年，我走访菲律宾吕宋岛中部的一个小村，到了村民克鲁兹家，那里可以用“家徒四壁”来形容，有的地方还漏风。灶台上方挂着一幅《最后的晚餐》，墙角供奉着一尊圣母玛丽亚的雕像，房顶上吊着一个20瓦的灯泡。     

菲律宾兵变启示录

动荡不宁的“街头”和干政意思高涨的“军营”取代了选票和议会,成为菲律宾“民主实践”的两大关键词。     

起伏动荡的菲律宾局势

自今年5月份以来,菲律宾先后爆出"录音带门"和"花档门"两大丑闻,阿罗约政府陷入波涛汹涌的政治漩涡.反对派趁势推波助澜,局势逐步升级,并发展成几乎让政府垮台的政治海啸.目前,菲政治危机高潮阶段已经过去,动荡局势有所缓和.但今后一个时期,阿罗约政府仍将面临国会弹劾、宪政改革和经济下滑等一系列棘手难题,其执政地位依然风雨飘摇,变数不少.     

菲律宾人质风波众生相

<正>菲律宾警务处前高级督察门多萨8月23日持M16警枪劫持香港旅游大巴,致21名香港旅客中8人遇害事件,及其在香港社会所引起的轩然大波,有着复杂、微妙的多重对抗性结构,其中门多萨与警方的对抗是刚性的,其余则或多或少存在转圜的余地。前菲律宾国际青年商会十大杰出警察门多萨之所以劫持人质向警方示威,是因为申诉专员公署未理会他2008年因犯勒索案而遭警队解职一事;他的发怒,是因为人质谈判未能推翻将其     

菲律宾恐怖袭击事件透视

菲律宾南部遭受大规模有组织的恐怖袭击让世界惊愕不已。此次恐怖袭击具有民族分离组织与恐怖极端组织合流的典型特征,同时也具有武装叛乱的特点,其背后的根源不仅与菲律宾长期存在的摩洛问题密切相关,同时也是伊斯兰国从中东向东南亚渗透和扩散的产物,值得有关国家高度重视和深入研究。     

菲律宾又换女总统

2001年1月20日中午12时,丑闻缠身、众叛亲离的菲律宾总统埃斯特拉达正式发表声明,辞去总统职务.十几分钟后,反对党联盟领导人、副总统阿罗约宣誓就任菲律宾第14任总统.这标志着菲持续数月之久的动荡局势告一段落,菲政治进程进入一个新的阶段.     

政变喧嚣中的菲律宾

今年2月以来,太平洋岛国菲律宾接连遭遇天灾人祸.反对派在军民两方运作叛变阴谋,矛头直指当权集团,菲政局出现新一轮动荡.24日,总统阿罗约宣布全国实行紧急状态,并大力清洗反对派,局势逐渐稳定.3月3日,阿宣布紧急状态结束,菲律宾国家运转趋于正常化,但长远看来变数犹存.     

论菲律宾马科斯政权的垮台

1986年2月,统治菲律宾20年之久的马科斯政权垮台了,马科斯本人被迫流亡夏威夷。这成了1986年世界重大事件之一,在第三世界甚至对超级大国都发生了重大影响。本文试图对这个政权进行初步的探讨。一、马科斯的政绩及其政权的垮台1965年12月30日,费迪南德·马科斯宣誓就任菲律宾总统。在他统治的前15年,特别是在70年代,他为菲律宾的经济发展,国际地位的提高做出了重大贡献。1972年他提出了"新     

如何看待菲律宾外交转向

正杜特尔特在对美关系上矫枉过正,可能是想让中国放心,他的南海政策不会受任何外部势力影响,从而使中菲双边关系中战略判断的背景简单化。菲律宾总统罗德里戈·杜特尔特10月18日~21日对中国的国事访问,再次彰显了其特立独行的一面,因为他打破了菲律宾总统就任后先访美后访华的传统。杜特尔特此举以及就任以来多次反美言论,被外界解读为他的外交政策正在疏美亲华。但同时应该注意到,杜特尔特的反美,背后是独     

The structure of employment and structural adjustment in the Philippines

Growth in the 1970s seemed, at that time, to have brought the Philippines to a rather high equilibrium growth path. But the foreign debt and political crisis in the early and mid‐1980s had brought the economy down to a lower equilibrium path. The recovery years (1987 to 1990) did not prove to be sustainable, given the extreme debt overhang, so that the economy retreated once again to the lower equilibrium path in the early 1990s. Significant debt reduction schemes and the new inflows (remittances of overseas workers and rising foreign investments) allowed a new growth trend. Whether sufficient growth can be maintained in the medium and long term will depend to a large part on uncontrollable external conditions. Significant improvements in trade and industrial policies are needed so that external deficits and imports will finance those sectors that allow for creation of high quality employment. Policy will have to shift resources away from the trade, real estate and other service sectors to strong tradeable manufactures. If the Philippines cannot get out of the boom—bust cycle, labour productivity in the medium and long term will stagnate and the share of those employed in the total labour force will remain stable, leading to stagnating employment opportunities and worsening income distribution.     

布基纳法索的礼仪习俗

累人的礼节 在非洲布基纳法索国的最主要的土语--摩西语当中,我们这群皮肤颜色比较淡的外国人都被叫做NASALA,其实这就相当于台湾人从前叫外国人都一律称呼"阿斗仔"的意思一样.每当我在路上行走或骑自行车时,途中遇到的小朋友只要老远见到我,一定会冲上前来,对着我喊:"阿斗仔,你好!",即便是距离遥远,来不及冲到我面前来,也会隔着遥远的距离挥手对着我如此大声叫喊,所以出门一趟,就得要沿路不停地挥手说"你好、你好"地一个个回应过去,说实在地,这样子一路喊下来还真的是很累人的一件事情!     

Beneath consensual corporatism: traditions of governance in the Netherlands

This article begins with a historical account of the various styles of governance in The Netherlands from the post–war period to date. That overview reveals the persistence of an underlying more traditional form of governance, that is, the tradition of consensual corporatism. Although conventionally believed to be an invention of the Catholic Church and subsequent political theorists, the present twentieth and twenty–first–century historical review of this corporatist style of governance leads to the conclusion that its historical roots are, instead, the age–old Dutch state traditions of tolerance, pragmatism and consensus. It looks as though the worn–out clichés of 'images of the Dutch' are indeed the fundamentally underlying core–concepts behind the Dutch style of governance. The ruling, merchant, partrician families of the Dutch Republic, in order to defend their international trade interests, in the midst of somewhat dogmatic Protestant preachers, were pragmatically tolerant of deviant ideas and groups and thus were able to reach a feasible compromise.     

Eurovision song contest and identity crisis in Moldova

The Eurovision Song Contest (ESC) was created for strengthening the development of a European soul. But generally speaking, one can say it has been used as a tool for nation-branding, and as a means for Central and Eastern countries to “return” to Europe, in particular after the fall of their Communist regimes. In the difficult social, economic, political, and historical context of the Republic of Moldova nowadays, the ESC furthermore allows the discursive construction of the nation and the building of a particular self. Accordingly, based on a method inspired by the Critical Discourse Analysis methodology applied to three local newspapers, the research demonstrates how the ESC acts as a sound box when building the Moldovan self. The Moldovan identity that emerges from the articles seems to be an identity in crisis which proves much different from the usual political constructions of the nation. This bottom-up identity put forward by journalists has indeed to be related to the twofold crisis in which Moldova is at the moment: social and economic, on the one hand, and linked to a permanent struggle between a separate Moldovan or an integrated Romanian identity, on the other.     

Outside the den of dragons: The Philippines and the NICs of Asia

The Phillippines is compared with Taiwan and South Korea on six factors, deemed in the literature to account for the economic success of the “little dragons” of Asia: colonial history, ties to the United States, class structures, state autonomy and efficacy, timing of industrialization, and culture. The theoretical implications of the comparative analysis in the study of development and underdevelopment in the Third World are considered, and the Marcos regime and the Aquino administration are evaluated in the light of the comparative analysis M.D. Litonjua is an assistant professor of sociology at the College of Mount St. Joseph in Cincinnati, Ohio. He is originally from the Philippines where he taught at the Ateneo de Manila University. He holds a Ph.D. in sociology from Brown University. His current interests include religion and social change, capitalism and democracy in Third World countries.