Deception and Mutual Gains Bargaining: Are They Mutually Exclusive?

Conclusion We have made great strides in recent years teaching more people — in classrooms, corporate training sessions, and actual negotiations — about negotiations, including how to be more ethical and how to ensure that integrative joint gains are not left on the table. The fact that we even need to write an article like this is an indication of the advances that have been made.Yet exactly because of these advances, more care needs to be taken to ensure that the subtle distinction between what is ethical and what is integrative is maintained. Being ethical in negotiations is more complicated than producing greater joint utility, and the techniques that are helpful for producing greater joint utility should not be made more complicated by the addition of ethical concerns. Each issue — ethics and mutual gains bargaining — can stand on its own, and benefits by being considered on its own. By maintaining this distinction, we believe each will have greater clarity and greater impact, and our teaching and training will be both better received and more valuable to those we teach.     

Defeating the Sixth Column: Intelligence and Strategy in the War on Islamist Terrorism

For the first time since the late 1940s, Washington is attempting a comprehensive analysis of the role and performance of the American intelligence system. In rethinking intelligence, it needs to address that the sixth column—Islamist terrorists residing in states that knowingly or unknowingly give them sanctuary—is the weak underbelly in the war on terror. To defeat this sixth column, important personnel, doctrinal, and cultural issues need to be addressed. The experience of other countries that have had success in fighting terrorism suggests that the United States must focus on offensive counterintelligence, penetrating terrorist groups, and creating mistrust among them.     

More than Just a Footnote: Constructing a Theoretical Framework for Teaching about Gender in Negotiation

The dominant paradigm in teaching about gender issues in negotiation over the past 25 years has been to treat the subject as one of difference — men negotiate one way, and women negotiate another way. While this can provoke interesting discussions, there are pitfalls in treating gender in this way. The author suggests two other ways to approach the subject matter: viewing gender as emergent in the negotiation process or taking a gender relations perspective that highlights some of the invisible aspects of negotiation. The author suggests ways to teach about gender in negotiation courses from each of these perspectives; these newer ways of teaching about gender in negotiation help make it a more integral part of the curriculum.     

The United States and Maritime Strategy: A Parochial View from the U.S. Naval War College

The emergence of transnational non-state threats, America's ongoing war on terror, and the increasing globalization of the world's economy all affect the security and stability of the maritime environment. As the world's leading economic and maritime power, the US bears a unique responsibility—it must secure and share the benefits of the global commons. A maritime strategy is not just a force planning exercise, or a guide to naval operations in wartime. This article identifies key trends and non-military issues – geographic, economic, and diplomatic – that the Navy and the country must consider in developing a new maritime strategy to provide for good order at sea in the coming decades.     

Options,functions, and skills: What an organizational ombudsman might want to know

Conclusion In this article I have tried to outline the present day practice of organizational ombudsmanry in North America, as I understand it thus far. I have drawn on very generous contributions from others in the profession, from my own experience, and from research. Probably no ombudsperson lives up, every day, to the standards he or she has set for good judgment, fairness, compassion, neutrality, respect for others — for true and ethical professionalism. These are qualities that may be instinctive in some people but which may be acquired by all of us in greater measure through study and self-reflection — as I learn from the steadfast examples of close colleagues around North America.also adjunct professor of management at MIT's Sloan School of Management. A practicing ombudsperson for 22 years, and co-founder of The Ombudsman Association, she has consulted, lectured and written extensively in this area of dispute resolution.     

Mediating with Heart in Mind: Addressing Emotion in Mediation Practice

Given the centrality of emotion and emotional communication to conflict interaction, the lack of attention to emotion in mediation is particularly surprising. This essay suggests that mediation practice can—and should—be informed by the wealth of existing theory and research on emotion in the social sciences. The authors define emotion and argue the centrality of its place in conflict. They address issues germane to the cognitive, expressive, and physiological aspects of emotion and their relevance to mediation practice. Within each area, they discuss the implications of the emotional experience of the disputant and the emotional experience of the mediator.     

From Commitment to Independence: Greek Foreign Policy and the Western Alliance

This paper examines the troubled relationship between Greece and the western alliance following the collapse of the military regime in Athens and the invasion of Cyprus. U.S. Congressional reports and the Greek parliamentary proceeding reveal the geopolitical significance of Greece to the western alliance and the frustration of the government in Athens regarding its foreign policy objectives. The Greeks might have questioned the benefits of being part of an alliance; however, it is evident that Greece's diplomatic isolation compelled her leadership to strengthen her links with the western camp. Hence, the present study assesses the attitude of the Greek government toward the Atlantic alliance and the US over the issues of NATO membership and the military installations in Greece and challenges the notion of “independence,” or else the need for detachment from the western alliance.     

Beyond the World Food Summit

While most speakers at the 1996 World Food Summit expressed concern about the injustice that forces more than 800 million people worldwide to live with hunger, some sought solutions through economic and social development while others called for a more liberal marketplace. Among world leaders, only Fidel Castro raised issues and challenges that addressed some of the underlying causes of malnutrition. The Plan of Action that grew out of the Summit has only one measurable commitment, which is to halve the number of undernourished people by 2015. The other six commitments, while diluted, contain important objectives even though they give little emphasis to the underlying causes of poverty or hunger. The Summit process, however, did contribute to the fact that food-related issues are now placed higher on the world agenda because many of these issue were raised by civil service organizations (CSOs) at the Summit's parallel NGO (nongovernmental organization) forum. In fact, one of the most positive outcomes of the Summit may prove to be the increased effectiveness of the CSOs as a result of the creation of improved networks in preparation for the Summit. The CSOs contributed examples of how food security could be improved, published an active site on the World Wide Web, and challenged the statements of governments. In addition to raising trade issues, CSOs also lobbied for sustainable agriculture and agricultural biodiversity. In fact, CSOs may have to set a new action agenda for the formal sector to encourage development of new institutions and new global forums that give NGOs a place at the table.     

The Intersection of Religion,Race, Class,and Ethnicity in Community Conflict

This brief essay explores some ways of defining what we need to know — but don't — about conflict within and between communities where there are strong identity differences based on religion, culture, gender, and race. Its particular focus is on the role that religion and religious leaders play in attempting to resolve identity-based conflict.     

The Alienated Frontier: Why the United States Can’t Get Osama bin Laden

Since the Russian-supplied Afghan army overthrew progressive President Daud in 1978, the nation has endured the long Soviet-Afghan war, the Taliban, and the arrival of U.S troops. These military actions have only heightened the historical alienation of the Pashtun tribes who overspread the long-contested border between Afghanistan and Pakistan. These are the people who are almost certainly sheltering Osama bin Laden. The Alienated Frontier is a centuries-old problem that must be solved if we are to win the war on terror, and solving it will require rebuilding the infrastructure, developing alternatives to poppy cultivation, and solving the “Pashtunistan” question. The capture or elimination of given individuals will achieve little if the conditions that allow radicals to thrive are not addressed     

The Historical Mind and Military Strategy

As important as the study of history for military strategists is the acquisition of the historical mind—that is, a way of thinking that uses history as a mode of inquiry. From practical cases to inspiration, history can help with U.S. military decision-making. The historical mind will detect differences as much as similarities between cases, avoiding false analogies, and look for the key questions to be asking. It will look for continuity but also for more important discontinuities; it will look for linkages between data points, but not be too quick to attribute causation. It is a well-traveled mind that appreciates the variability of people and places, conditions and problems; it avoids over-reliance on “lessons learned.” For that reason, the historical education of civilian and military strategists is more, not less, important in an age of rapid change.     

Global Threats and American Strategies: From Communism in 1955 to Islamism in 2005

America's current security threats—the insurgency in Iraq, Islamic terrorism, and Iran's efforts to obtain nuclear weapons—seem strange and unprecedented. Parallels can be drawn, however, between the security threats of 2005 and those of fifty years ago. The U.S. foreign policy developed to confront the communist threat offers lessons as we develop strategies to combat today's threat. Two contemporary perspectives on strategic issues—one conservative/realist, one neoconservative/idealist—apply lessons of the Cold War to today's U.S. foreign policy, but each has serious flaws. A third, neorealist perspective, suggests that by leveraging the divisions already present in the Muslim world, the United States can win the global contest against Islamic terrorism. However, this would require a transformation in American strategy that will not be easily achieved.     

Developing indicators to assess women's empowerment in Vietnam

From mid‐1999 to mid‐2001, the authors carried out a qualitative study in rural Vietnam to explore relationships between gender equity and reproductive health. One of the study's objectives was to develop culturally appropriate indicators of women's empowerment, specific to the Vietnamese context. This paper describes the process of developing, testing, and refining the empowerment indicators, presents some of the findings, and discusses the methodological challenges that need to be addressed. The paper concludes by recommending a set of Vietnamspecific domains for assessing women's empowerment in the socio‐economic sphere as well as in reproductive health.     

Institutionalized Conflict Resolution: Have We Come to Expect Too Little?

Two very different contexts of the conflict resolution field — hostage negotiation and court-connected mediation—do share many similarities, particularly with regard to roles, responsibilities, and techniques. In both contexts, the emphasis is on the short-term "fix," or solution, rather than attention to the underlying reasons for a conflict and long-term societal change. This emphasis, though perhaps changing in the international relations area, permeates much of the institutionalized conflict resolution field and bears further examination by practitioners and researchers.     

Reviving the Russian empire: the Crimean intervention through a neoclassical realist lens

Although many policy-makers and scholars maintain that international norms have altered the motivations underlying state behaviour, this article argues that states continue to pursue national self-interest, but in ways that remain understudied. While traditional realist assumptions explain a great deal of state behaviour, they have not been widely used to account for important alternative tools of state intervention, such as economic and normative strategies. Focusing on the case of Russia's 2014 intervention in Ukraine, this article offers insights into how, and under what circumstances, these tools are used to accomplish traditional state objectives. Guided by the tenets of neoclassical realism, the article argues that in the case of Russia, military force is no longer the sole, or even the primary, means used to accomplish traditional security goals. Such dynamics have significant theoretical and policy implications for contemporary international relations.     

Power, Morality, and Foreign Policy

Despite the vast amounts of rhetoric one hears in the United States on the role of morality in international politics, the nation lacks a coherent position on the appropriate application of morality to foreign policy. History reflects two prominent and contrasting views on the subject. The first is that morality is irrelevant to national foreign policy; the second applies common principles of individual morality—compassion, generosity, forgiveness, benevolence, and tolerance—to interactions between states. Though elements of each are evident in the Bush administration's foreign policy, the limits on them restrict the efficacy of either. As the application of morality to foreign policy becomes both more necessary and more difficult, prudence and decency—more than self-righteousness or power—should provide the primary inspiration for American foreign policy.     

Europe in Taiwan's Post-Cold War Foreign Relations

The article examines Taiwan's relationship with Europe (both Western and East Central), paying particular attention to the Taiwanese diplomatic strategies and their consequences in the 1990s and 2000s, as well as to the European responses. It argues that although Taipei's greatest triumphs in Europe—such as the arms deals, diplomatic or consular agreements or gaining support for membership in international organizations—proved either sporadic or short-lived, their very existence demonstrated that the China factor did not necessarily restrict the European nations' choices with regards to the Taiwan issue. This was particularly so when Taipei's economic rewards seemed sufficiently compensating for China's economic or political sanctions. More importantly, however, Taiwan—through economic diplomacy—successfully established strong foundations for long-term dialogue with all of Europe through representative offices, bilateral committees, parliamentary exchanges and periodical visits by government officials. Thus, Europe's functional relationship with Taiwan, which focused mainly on economic and cultural issues, not only facilitated low-key political dialogue with the island, but also stimulated Europe's interest in the geopolitical stability in the Taiwan Strait.     

More Flies with Honey: Positive Economic Linkage in German Ostpolitik from Bismarck to Kohl

The existing literature on economic sanctions has rarely addressed the key question of comparing the effectiveness of positive and negative sanctions. It is the contention of this study that positive sanctions can potentially be more effective, even in cases where contentious "high politics" issues are being negotiated, relations between the states concerned are tense and militarized, and the state being targeted with sanctions has substantial military power. This assertion will be tested in a set of case studies drawn from German-Polish and German-Russian/Soviet relations from the nineteenth century to the present. It will be shown that positive sanctions can be used effectively, both as "specific" sanctions to influence a target state on one particular issue, and as "general" sanctions, which aim to change the state's behavior as a whole in a more slow and subtle process.     

Does investing in identity work? An examination of the ethnocentric social capital theory from an oriental perspective

The central thrust of this paper questions the notion of ‘investing in identity’ in the current approach to social capital, and challenges the assumption that the poor can draw upon their identities as productive resources to alleviate poverty. This paper argues that the mainstream social capital model is largely based on the economic model of rationality, which assumes that individuals are rational, and consciously construct social identities with purposive reasons. This perspective, however, neglects agency, subjectivity and the power dimension in the process of identity building. This paper also questions the ethnocentric nature of social capital thinking which plays down the influences of culture and context. Drawing upon the structuration theory of Anthony Giddens, and based on my ethnographic research on Chinese migrants in Hong Kong, I challenge the ‘Hong Kong-derived Chinese identity model’ by Gregory Guldin. Using the concept of ‘acknowledgeable agents’, I argue that the construction of ethnic identity amongst migrants is far more complicated, and agents may use their hyphenated identities to seek room for manoeuvre. I also highlight the transformative, fluid and fragile nature of identity to suggest that he notion of ‘investing in identity’ is problematic because which and what identities, and where and how to invest, are not properly addressed. Taking agents’ subjectivity into account, disinvestment, rather than investment, in identity may be a more desirable livelihood strategy adopted by migrants. Finally, I draw attention to the dark sides of identity, and point out that without a clear understanding of the existing structures of interaction, investing in identity may result in poverty aggravation and further exclusion of the poor.The writer is currently an assistant lecturer at the University of Bradford, UK.     

Embedded journalism – more than a conflictreporting issue

Abstract

One of the outstanding features of the recent war in Iraq was the prominent media coverage given to so-called embedded journalists, that is, reporters travelling with, and under, the protection of coalition forces. This practice was severely criticised for compromising the independence of journalists. Editors nevertheless defended it on practical grounds. In this article it is argued that embedded journalism is part and parcel of the way South African media operate, albeit in a somewhat different form from what is prevalent in Iraq and that it includes far more than issues relating to conflict reporting. The issue of conflict of interests while gathering news is well documented and routinely addressed in handbooks on media ethics as well as ethical codes. But the South African media usually tend to shun open discussion of this and other ethical issues. Whatever the reason, the lack of debate on these and other media ethical issues prevents media users from seeing journalism for what it is: a value-laden activity more often than not determined by commercial considerations. These issues are addressed within the South African context and some pertinent questions are posed on the political and commercial embeddedness of journalists, that is, how conflict of interest permeates South African media. It is concluded that owners, managers and individual journalists all have some responsibility for the embeddedness of South African journalists. Given the focus on profits, it is suggested that the way forward would be for journalists to start speaking out and applying their specific ethical codes.