关于“中国国家治理”研究的方法论

科学考察中国国家治理,必须首先要搞清楚三个相互联系的方法论问题:一是,中国国家治理是处于一定的世界历史时空坐标系上的国家治理,中国现阶段的社会主要矛盾及其在当代世界历史中所处的位置,构成了这一世界历史时空坐标系。脱离开这一世界历史时空坐标系,关于中国国家治理的研究就会走入歧途。二是,新时代的中国国家治理越来越具有双重特性,即:国家作为治理对象和国家作为治理主体。国家作为治理对象与国家作为治理主体的有机统一,彰显了"新时代"中国共产党的领导、依法治国与人民当家作主的有机统一。中国国家治理体系和治理能力现代化的标准就蕴含在其中。三是,中国国家治理与全球治理既有区别又有联系。全面、正确地认识和把握中国国家治理与全球治理间的关系,对于科学考察中国国家治理至关重要。     

把党的执政与治国两种能力建设相贯通——党的十九届四中全会精神的一个研究视角

领会党的十九届四中全会精神,坚持和完善中国特色社会主义制度、推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化,必须把党的执政与治国两种能力建设相贯通。从提出加强党的执政能力建设到提出推进国家治理现代化,显示了党的建设发展思路的战略演进。党的十九届四中全会通过的《决定》,对国家治理各个领域各个方面的制度建设作出全面部署,既体现党的建设与国家治理制度建设的关系,又体现增强党的执政能力与提高国家治理现代化能力的关系。在中国特色社会主义制度安排下,中国共产党长期执政与全面领导是连在一起的,执政与治国两种能力具有不可分离的理论和实践逻辑。执政与治国两种能力既有区别又相联系,两种能力建设相贯通有其内在的机理。新中国成立以来,党领导人民创造的经济快速发展和社会长期稳定两大奇迹,展示了“中国之治”在人类历史上世所罕见的国家成就。党的十九届四中全会以坚持和完善中国特色社会主义制度、推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化的全面部署,为党领导人民再创“中国之治”新辉煌提供了实践指南。     

The Malayan special branch on the Malayan–Thai frontier during the Malayan emergency (1948–60)

The Malayan Special Branch was the main intelligence agency of the Malayan government during the Malayan Emergency of 1948–60. It was a critical determinant in the government's efforts to defeat the determined attempts of the Malayan Communist Party (CPM) and its guerrilla army, the Malayan National Liberation Army (MNLA), to overthrow the Malayan government and establish a Socialist People's Republic of Malaya. This paper examines the counterinsurgency operations carried out by the Malayan Special Branch in southern Thailand as part of the Emergency, and the establishment of a Special Branch Border Section in Penang and a joint regional Malayan–Thai Special Branch office in Songkhla, southern Thailand, to coordinate intelligence operations against the communist insurgents.     

积极促进我国制度优势转化为治理效能

中国特色社会主义制度和国家治理体系具有无比优势,但制度优势还有待于转化为治理效能,治理能力还有待于进一步提高。实现现代化,当务之急是积极促进我国制度优势转化为治理效能。为此,应当加强和改善党对制度优势转化为治理效能的领导,各级党组织要充分认识和高度重视把制度优势转化为治理效能的重大意义,坚决贯彻党集中统一领导的各项制度,确保治理工作始终坚持正确的方向;应当充分发挥人民在制度优势转化为治理效能中的主体作用,完善人民代表大会组织制度和工作制度、立法和决定功能、监督功能,充分发挥共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度、基层群众自治制度的作用;应当改革和创新治理的体制机制,优化行政决策体制机制,强化行政执行体制机制,加强责任追究制度,健全行政执法责任制;应当优化政府职责体系和行政监管督察体制机制,加强决策监督、执行监管督察、效能监管督察,实现监督督察的制度化、程序化;应当正确处理和理顺各种治理关系,特别是政府和市场的关系、中央和地方关系、各行政部门之间的关系;应当强化各级领导干部的制度意识,不断提高其治理能力。     

The Chinese in space: the third man in the fourth battlefield?

This commentary piece explores the several ramifications of China's October 2003 successful manned space mission, when the People's Republic of China became the third nation, following the lead of the USA and the Soviet Union, to independently launch a manned space mission. While the achievement resulted in prestige and justifiable pride in China, the potential ‘dual use’ of space for military purposes remains speculative, and is of concern to Washington's ‘Blue Team’, suspicious of China's possible aggressive intentions. While China's space efforts include militarisation, it remains an open question as to whether it intends to fully develop space weapons against a background of its belief that the USA already has ‘abundant power’, especially in space. Copyright © 2004 Henry Stewart Publications     

Civil service reform in the People's Republic of China: case studies of early implementation

The adoption of the civil service system is the most comprehensive reform of the personnel system in the history of the People's Republic of China. The reformers want to establish a highly qualified and professional administrative corps. Elements of the reform include a merit‐based performance evaluation system that rewards good employees and punishes poor ones, open and fair competition in recruitment and promotion to assure the quality of government officials, and a system based on law that provides continuity and consistency for government policies. The article summarizes case studies of implementation challenges such as recruitment, examinations, selection and promotion, performance evaluation, training, job rotation and salary systems. The cases provide snapshots of some of the most difficult issues involved in reforming China's civil service. Copyright © 1999 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

中国新型政党制度的治理意蕴

新中国成立七十年来,中国新型政党制度作为产生于中国土壤的一项基本政治制度,不断发展成熟。中国新型政党制度是极具中国特色的制度设计,也是国家治理体系的重要组成部分,其中国共产党领导下的"多党合作与政治协商"特征淡化了长久以来政党制度的"管理"倾向,凸显了"治理"特性。中国新型政党制度所具有的主体多元性、过程协商性和实践合作性等治理特征,使得多党合作的治理效能得以真正发挥,彰显了中国新型政党制度的优越性。     

China's obsession with Singapore: learning authoritarian modernity

Abstract

Chinese government officials and academics have shown disproportionate interest in the small city-state of Singapore. The Southeast Asian country with a majority ethnic Chinese population has drawn their attention because it is the only country in the world that combines advanced industrial development with stable one-party rule. Singapore not only seemingly defies Western predictions that modernization will inevitably lead to democracy, but also appears to show that authoritarian regimes may be better suited to achieving societal stability in an Asian context. In particular, the ruling party of the city-state, the People's Action Party, has drawn the attention of conservative Chinese reformists who seek to fill the ideological void that emerged following the decline of Maoist ideology. Reformers in China also derive practical governance lessons from Singapore about fighting corruption, increasing professionalization, and improving responsiveness within the party-state. As such, political learning from the Singapore model must be seen as part of the ongoing process of transformation of the Chinese Communist Party. As a consequence of this learning process, Chinese reformers are using lessons from the Singaporean model as arguments in their efforts to bolster the ideological foundations and strengthen the governance capacity of one-party rule, thus reducing pressures for democratization.     

国家建设与国家治理

中共十八届三中全会和四中全会所推出的“国家治理现代化”和“依法治国”概念,集中体现了新一届中央领导层治国理念的核心思想,也预示了未来中国政府改革的方向。从“国家建设”和“国家治理”的角度予以解读,并从国家运行“动力系统”和“制动系统”平衡、国家“上层制度”和“基础制度”构建、国家治理“传统方式”向“现代方式”转变的角度,说明国家治理改革的目标和任务,认为把“国家治理现代化”和“依法治国”作为施政理念,表明了执政当局对现代政治文明核心价值的认可,表达了执政党把中国送入法治轨道的意愿和决心。     

Urban local government finance in Benin: The case of Cotonou Urban District I

The centralized system of government in the People's Republic of Benin was established when the country was a French colony. During the 1970s and 1980s, the government system was reorganized to conform to the principles of the ruling Marxist–Leninist regime. Deteriorating economic conditions have negatively affected the public sector in recent years. The capital city of Cotonou, however, has managed to perform better than other urban governments despite facing serious economic problems and many constraints imposed by a strict system of central control over local authorities. This paper examines the nature of and reasons for Cotonou's performance.     

Notes toward a nomad subjectivity: The poetics of Gu Cheng (1956–1993)

In this paper, Deleuze and Guattari's notions of desiring‐production and nomad subjectivity are applied to the work of the contemporary People's Republic of China poet Gu Cheng, a writer who attempted to formulate an ‘aimless’ self engaged in endless becoming. In addition, the concept of ‘Mao style’ proposed by Li Tuo is discussed with regard to Mao Zedong's Talks at the Yan'an Conference on Art Literature in order to demonstrate the repressive nature of the dominant discourse in China after 1949, and to show that its essential purpose was to trap individual desiring‐production within the restricted scope sanctioned by the Chinese Communist Party. The features of Gu Cheng's evolving model of subjectivity are discussed and evaluated in terms of their resistance to the effects of Mao style. Finally, there is a brief discussion of the reasons for Gu Cheng's failure to arrive at a positive conception of nomad subjectivity.     

From social management to social governance: social conflict mediation in China

China currently faces increasingly serious social conflicts. In the past, China's approach to resolving social conflicts was ‘social management’. Now, however, it is turning to the development of ‘social governance’. This change reflects the inability of government acting alone to recognise and to address comprehensively the type of social problems that require co-ordination of social forces. Our research identifies three dimensions of governance and provides a comparative framework allowing us to illuminate how social governance as conceived in China differs from that in Western countries. Under China's current conditions, the strengthening and development of social governance is a holistic process. Neither market-centrism nor state-centrism is pursued, and pure social-centrism is not the favoured direction of development; the path chosen is rather a state-led social pluralism. The implications we see for the Government are that it should first transform its own functions to achieve a substantially higher quality of public service. This would put it in a position to empower (civil) society to mobilise multiple and varied social forces to participate so that social conflict can be optimally addressed. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

International political marketing: a case study of its application in China

• The practice of International Political Marketing can be seen increasingly in the foreign relations of independent states. A review of relevant Political Marketing and International Relations publications reveals close linkage between the two. Based on the review, this paper categorizes political marketing into three aspects: the election aspect, the governing aspect (permanent campaign) and the international aspect of political marketing. The focus of this study is on international political marketing which was defined based on the review. This paper then reports a case study of the utilization of International Political Marketing by the government of the People's Republic of China. It looks at the recent events of China's accession of the WTO in 2001, China's hosting of Sino‐African Summit in 2006 and the on going promotion of China's image of ‘Peaceful Development and Cooperation’. The paper advances the argument that practically all nation states and international organizations apply International Political Marketing to both their strategic planning as well as conduct of day‐to‐day affairs. The paper concludes that there is a great demand both at a theoretical as well as practical level for International Political Marketing, requiring further study.

Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

China's ‘charm offensive’ in the Pacific and Australia's regional order

Abstract

In recent years, a perception has emerged among many policymakers and commentators that the deepening of the People's Republic of China engagement in the Pacific Islands Region, predominantly through its expanding foreign aid programme, threatens to undermine the existing regional order, in which Australia is dominant. In this article, it is argued that China's apparent ‘charm offensive’ in the Pacific is mainly driven by commercial, not political, imperatives and is far more fragmented and incoherent than is often assumed. Hence, its (real) political effects hinge, not on any Chinese strategic designs for regional domination, or even a more limited resource security agenda, but on the intent and capacity of Pacific governments to harness deepening aid, investment and trade relations with China towards their own foreign and domestic policy objectives, which include limiting Australian interference in the internal governance processes of Pacific states. This argument is demonstrated by the case of Fiji after the December 2006 military coup.     

Disunited in ethnicity: the racialization of Chinese Mainlanders in Hong Kong

In the current climate of increasing antagonisms and populist discontents surrounding the visible presence of mainland mobilities in postcolonial Hong Kong, there is an acute need to understand how those from Mainland China are racialized. Lowe and Tsang's article provides an examination of the campaign against Mainlanders prevalent in Hong Kong society. The emergent conflicts between Hong Kong and Mainland Chinese migrants overlap with the duality of time or differing time-inflected cultural habits of Mainlanders and Hong Kongers. As Hong Kong's citizenry and Mainlanders contest the status of the former colony and claim rights over it in ways aberrant to both factions' national consciousness, discrimination increases as Mainlanders are castigated by Hong Kongers for grazing their territory with mannerisms deemed unsettling to Hong Kong's everyday notions of time and space. Hong Kongers' sense of collective identity is shored-up as they reject the People's Republic of China’s favoured concept of pan-Chinese ethnicity by constructing Mainlanders as the inverse of themselves.     

治理结构多元化：地方政府机构改革的新思路

通过对当代中国地方政府机构改革的一些典型个案进行分析,发现其陷入困境的深层次原因在于强调国家统一管理而导致的地方治理结构单一化。当代中国的地方治理结构单一化是历史遗传和传统体制的产物,与转轨时期纵向政府间关系中存在的压力型体制也有着内在的关联。随着改革的深入,地方治理结构单一化的弊端逐渐显现出来。但是,从美国和英国等西方发达国家的实践来看,地方治理结构多元化与国家的统一管理并不矛盾。因此,在已有的地方政府机构改革的思路基础上,实现地方治理结构多元化应该成为继续推进当代中国地方政府机构改革的新思路。     

Managing for Legitimacy: Agency Governance in Its “Deep” Constitutional Context

Recent literature on bureaucratic structure has gone further than studying discretions given to bureaucrats in policy making, and much attention is now paid to understanding how bureaucratic agencies are managed. This article proposes that the way in which executive governments manage their agencies varies according to their constitutional setting and that this relationship is driven by considerations of the executive's governing legitimacy. Inspired by Charles Tilly (1984), the authors compare patterns of agency governance in Hong Kong and Ireland, in particular, configurations of assigned decision‐making autonomies and control mechanisms. This comparison shows that in governing their agencies, the elected government of Ireland's parliamentary democracy pays more attention to input (i.e., democratic) legitimacy, while the executive government of Hong Kong's administrative state favors output (i.e., performance) legitimacy. These different forms of autonomy and control mechanism reflect different constitutional models of how political executives acquire and sustain their governing legitimacy.     

Tourism administration in the Northern Territory in the era of Country Liberal Party governance 1978–2001

Particularly since the 1980s, tourism has become an important vehicle to advance the Northern Territory's future development and economic growth, a prime concern for successive governments. Thus, it comes as no surprise that the Northern Territory (NT) government has played an active role in the sector's promotion and development. Starting with a general overview of some of the main characteristics of the Territory's political system the article outlines the NT government's involvement in tourism during the era of the Country Liberal Party governance (1978–2001) and specifically discusses the administrative framework for tourism management and development in the Territory in greater detail. It provides a historical overview of the tourism portfolio and the varying responsibilities of the government agencies involved.     

Norfolk Island as Region: A Pacific Puzzle

Commonwealth‐enforced changes to the constitutional status of Norfolk Island through 2014–2016 have removed the island's autonomous identity as a self‐governing Australian territory. Its conversion to what is effectively a part of New South Wales, with the main instrument of governance titled ‘regional council’, is said to be based on a NSW local government model. However, it is difficult to view Norfolk Island as a region, and difficult also to trace the thinking that bestowed the form of the regional council on its governance. This article briefly summarizes the Norfolk changes. It then considers how the concept of the regional council has been used in NSW, and moves on to Queensland where the concept is better defined. It notes particularly how it has been applied in the case of the Torres Strait Islands, and asks whether that application might have relevance for Norfolk. It concludes with speculation about what might be a better approach in designing a system of governance suitable for Norfolk conditions.     

党政联合发文的备案审查问题

党政联合发文在我国国家治理中发挥着重要作用。近年来,党政联合发文数量日益增长,兼具党的文件与行政规范性文件"双重属性"的党政联合发文的备案审查问题日益凸显。实践中,党政联合发文存在法律性质不易界定、备案审查标准难以统一、备案审查主体不明、备案审查能力不足等问题。当前,可以从联合发文的属性识别机制、备案审查标准、备案审查主体、备案审查能力等方面予以完善。