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《International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity》2013,8(2):173-196
AbstractClimate change poses challenges to the socio-economic life globally, though in varying degrees. Southern Africa is one of the regions that has shown signs of changes in climate. According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) (2007), temperatures in the region have risen by 0.5 degrees Celsius over the past hundred years. In addition, climate change has resulted in fifteen incidents of drought in Southern Africa between 1988 and 1992. This has consequently had a negative impact on the socio economic life of the inhabitants of the region. While climate change is an issue that requires attention from all spheres of government, it is posited in this article that the local sphere of government needs to be the focal point for redress as it is the sphere closest to the people. Mutanga, Pophiwa and Simelane (2013: 165) note that insufficient human and financial resources, inability to adapt technologically and politically driven climate change related programmes are some of the challenges faced by municipalities in tackling climate change. Capricorn District in Limpopo Province, South Africa has agriculture as one of its critical economic activities; thus climate change is a serious concern in the area. The article seeks to investigate how local government is responding to the climate change phenomenon. The Capricorn District Municipality is used as a case study. It must be noted that, although this municipality is not a typical representation of how the other local authorities in the country are responding to climate change, it however sheds significant light on how this phenomenon is viewed at this sphere of government. The guiding questions are: to what extent is climate change viewed as a challenge by local authorities? Secondly, what measures are local authorities taking to address both the causes and effects of climate change? It is postulated that local government in South Africa is not effectively proactive and innovative in dealing with climate change. There is a need for policies and mechanisms in municipalities that address challenges that are posed by climate change. This is only possible if both elected and appointed officials treat the issue as a priority. Interviews were conducted with key informants and official documents were consulted in order to gather data that would either support or refute the suggested hypothesis. 相似文献
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Peter Hauslohner 《后苏联事务》2013,29(1):54-89
The Soviet economic slowdown is explained in the context of an eroding “social contract” between regime and society, established in the 1950s and defined as a set of norms, constituency benefits, and political-economic institutions which elite and public have regarded as legitimate means of regulating their mutual relations. Gorbachev must rebuild state legitimacy; the “objective,” mutually constraining relationship between economic system and state legitimation implies that a new social contract can serve as a “test” of Gorbachev's intent to pursue “radical” economic reform. Evidence suggests that prospects for radical reform have risen substantially since Gorbachev's election as General Secretary. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: 052, 124, 830. 相似文献
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Heidi Kroll 《后苏联事务》2013,29(3):276-297
Reforms in remedies for breach of contract emerging under perestroyka have as a main goal a reduction in the use of penalties in favor of compensation for damages. As background to these reforms, the basic principles of the Soviet law of contract damages are outlined, and the law's operation in practice under the traditional planning system is examined. Western economic theories of the choice of contract remedy are used to analyze the underlying causes of the difficulty of measuring and proving damages in the pre-reform system. Emerging reforms in contract remedies are described and evaluated in light of this analysis. journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: 052, 124. 相似文献
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"第二次转型"的理论向度与原社会主义国家转型的多样性——以普京时代的俄罗斯制度转型为例 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
对于俄罗斯而言,叶利钦时代与普京时代的转型既是一个延续的过程,但又呈现出截然不同的面貌,体现出一定的断裂性.自上个世纪90年代和本世纪初开始,俄罗斯改革的目标,至少在口头宣示上,与其说是从极权体制向民主制度以及从计划经济向市场经济转型,不如说是要从叶利钦时代转型形成的制度陷阱--非效率制度均衡中脱离开来,试图通过增加国家能力的途径建立新的效率制度均衡.运用"第二次转型"的理论范畴有助于全面认识发生在俄罗斯的由传统体制向现代民主政治和市场经济的转化以及与此相伴的社会转型进程,能够对叶利钦时代俄罗斯之所以败、普京时代俄罗斯之所以兴提供一种新的解释,同时,这也表明原社会主义国家转型具有丰富的多样性. 相似文献
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Stanley Bach 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2008,54(4):545-561
This essay explores the development of L.F. Crisp's understanding of the appropriate role of Australia's Senate in the national political system. A review of his widely‐used textbook over three decades reveals that, to Crisp, the Senate was conceived primarily to protect state interests, but that role was nullified almost immediately by the emergence of disciplined parties. Thereafter, the Senate usually was an ineffectual irrelevancy until the introduction of proportional representation transformed it into a threat to the constitutional system as it should operate. Crisp also appreciated that disciplined parties undermined effective control of government by the House of Representatives, yet he consistently failed to recognize in the Senate an institution capable of doing what the House of Representatives cannot: enforcing accountability on the government of the day. 相似文献
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