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1.
Wang  Qingning 《Asia Europe Journal》2022,20(3):283-303

This paper presents a comparative approach that discusses whether British newspapers with different political agendas report China differently, in the post-Brexit referendum UK. As UK still remains as a member country of the EU 3 years after the vote, the relationship between China and the UK is still a source that impacts China–EU relations. Specifically, political agendas of British newspapers heavily impact their reports of domestic political issues and of the EU; this research questions whether such a difference can be observed in reports of China or not. The research selects four popular newspapers in the UK, The Sun, The Times, The Guardian and The Mirror, and analyses their coverage of China between 01/01/2017 and 31/12/2018. Among them, The Sun and The Times are right-wing/leaning newspapers and support the Conservative Party, while The Guardian and The Mirror are left-wing/leaning and the Labour Party supporters. This study applies content analysis and compares three perspectives in these four newspapers’ reports of China: the number of reports, the topics of reports and the associations (threats or cooperate) with China. By comparing the similarity and difference in those four newspapers’ coverages, this paper aims to understand what image of China those popular British newspapers were creating for their readers, what impressions of China were generated and whether and how the coverage reflects the changing Sino–UK relations in the post-Brexit era. If so, how the right-leaning and left-leaning newspapers frame China differently.

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2.
Many authoritarian regimes use participatory political reform to maintain control over the societies under their rule and survive global waves of democratization. Recent studies of transitional governance have underscored the importance and intricacy of institutional reform; however, no consensus has been reached on an explanation of the dynamism that shapes institutional reforms under non-democratic systems. Why do authoritarian apparatchiks reform their institutions of governance? How can the varied pathways of these reforms be explained? Post-Deng China provides an ideal laboratory in which to study these issues. Since the 1990s, growing tensions between the Leninist polity and a gradually opened society have compelled local governments in China to test a vast set of participatory reforms. In an examination of three major local participatory budgeting reforms in China, this article maps the main pathways – representation, consultation, and transparency – of these recent sub-national participatory reforms implemented by the incumbent regime, and explores the driving forces that sculpt a reformist model over the alternatives. By introducing an “incentive-contingent framework”, this article sketches out the “repertoire” of participatory reforms in the authoritarian governance of China and suggests an explanatory framework for the variation in the strategies and forms of such institutional innovations.  相似文献   

3.
Alongside its rise, China has intensified its relations with countries on its periphery by adopting a “dual-core” strategy in order to create a “Community of Common Destiny”. In this context, China has upgraded its relationship with Australia from “commercial” to “strategic” levels. China’s “dual-core” strategy and the China–Australia strategic partnership reveal not only China’s desire for intensifying its economic interdependence with countries on its periphery, Australia included, but also China’s strategic intention of creating its own sphere of influence in the form of a “Community of Common Destiny”. China wishes to sustain its economic and social progress by restoring the past glory of “Fuqiang” (wealth and power) as it enhances both its “hard” and “soft” power. The intensified economic interdependence may persuade countries on its periphery to avoid being involved in any attempt by China’s competitors to contain its rise.  相似文献   

4.
March 2, 2009, Beijing Foreword Tibet has been an inseparable part of China since ancient times. The peaceful liberation of Tibet, the driving out of the imperialist aggressor forces from Tibet, the democratic reform and abolition of theocratic feudal serfdom in Tibet were significant parts of the Chinese  相似文献   

5.
Democracy and Decision: The Pure Theory of Electoral Preference by Geoffrey Brennan and Loren Lomasky. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993. Pp.x + 237; £30. ISBN 0 521 33040 8

Representation and Party Politics: A Comparative Perspective by B.D. Graham. Oxford and Cambridge, MA: Basil Blackwell 1993. Pp.242 + table; £40 (hardback); £13.99 (paperback). ISBN 0 63117 395 1 and 0 63117 396 X

The Market, Competition and Democracy: A Critique of Neo‐Austrian Economics by Stavros Ioannides. Aldershot, Hants: Edward Elgar, 1992. Pp.194; index; bibliography; appendices. £39.95. ISBN 1 85278 531 4

Democracy and Difference by Anne Phillips. Oxford: Polity Press, 1993. Pp.175; index. £39.50 (hardback); £11.95 (paperback). ISBN 0 7456 1096X and 0 7456 10978

Out of the Shadows: Women, Resistance and Politics in South America by Jo Fisher. London and New York: Monthly Review Press; London: Latin American Bureau, 1993. Pp.228; index; bibliography. £17.99 (hardback); £7.99 (paperback). ISBN 0 906156 78 5 and 0 906156 77 7

Democracy in the Third World by Robert Pinkney. Buckingham and Philadelphia, PA: Open University Press, 1993. Pp.182; index; bibliography. £37.50 (hardback); £12.99 (paperback). ISBN 0 3351 5705 X and 0 3351 5704 1

Russia's Road to Democracy: Parliament, Communism and Traditional Culture by Victor Sergeyev and Nikolai Biryukov. Aldershot, Hants: Edward Elgar, 1993. Pp.vii + 227; index; bibliography. £39.95 (hardback). ISBN 1 85278 851 8

Cinderella Goes to Market: Citizenship, Gender and Women's Movements in East Central Europe by Barbara Einhorn. London: Verso, 1993. Pp.vii + 280; index. £34.95 (hardback); £11.95 (paperback). ISBN 0 86091 410 0 and 0 86091 615 4  相似文献   

6.
This article examines how othering is an imperative element in the external policies of the European Union (EU) in its relationship with Singapore. From a post-structural perspective, we look at these policies as problem-constructing processes and consider othering as the production of knowledge on “the other”. We focus on civil society engagement in the Free Trade Agreement and cooperation in the tax area in the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between the two countries. We find the EU to bring into reality a version of the country that interacts with these policies as problem producing.  相似文献   

7.
Since the mid-1990s the European Union sees it necessary to engage with the PR China due to its increasing economic and political influence. EU-China ties have been developed rather smoothly and comprehensively. EU leaders believe that the more prosperous and influential China becomes, the more the EU could benefit. No serious obstacles are visible and the prospects for further development are promising. Under the One China Principle, however, the EUs Taiwan policy is rather confined. Although the EU is concerned about the security and stability in the Cross Strait relations, their means of interventions are constrained. The European Parliament resolutions as well as the stance of the Council and the Commission towards Taiwan have demonstrated the EUs ability to tread lightly when dealing with, and there is little visible interest in getting more actively involved in the Taiwan issue. Only the Liberal International truly supports Taiwan in its bid to enhance international visibility. However Taipei-Washington ties dwarf the EUs Taiwan policy. Therefore there is still large room for further improvements in the Taiwan-EU relations.  相似文献   

8.
he world today is undergoing profound changes not seen in a century.In terms of its formal structure,the world system has been greatly affected by the striking economic and social developments,changes in the international order,and adjustments in international relations.In effect,the world is facing great instability and uncertainty.Multilateralism is undergoing a major crisis,global governance is being challenged,while strategic competition among great powers has grown increasingly fierce.Confronting increasingly uncertain circumstances,China should maintain its strategic focus,strengthen the top-level design of its diplomacy,improve the overall layout,and step up efforts in its practices.In this way,China will effectively safeguard the stability of the global order and become an indispensable source of“positive energy”in this changing world.  相似文献   

9.
Based on empirical evidence from a donor-funded project in Ghana, this article demonstrates that when development implementation is depoliticised, targets will likely be achieved within budget and on time. Funded and supervised by the Millennium Challenge Corporation of the United States, Ghana Compact I has been recommended as a model for future development implementation. This article is an attempt to explain this success, compared to select social programmes. It argues that Compact I was implemented successfully because it was insulated from political interference, and suggests that donor-induced depoliticisation offers a route to successful development implementation in recipient countries.  相似文献   

10.
《Orbis》2022,66(3):350-372
China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is already changing infrastructure and production across much of the world. The three states of the South Caucasus and their counterparts in Central Asia need diverse connectivity to preserve their economic and political independence amid China’s expanding influence. Despite some rhetoric and practical measures, the United States and the European Union (EU) continue to underestimate the BRI. This article identifies recent international and regional developments that converge to create a unique opportunity for the West and South Caucasus partners. They may develop integrated, long-terms infrastructure of lasting mutual benefit. The convergence of events in and around the South Caucasus offers the place for the West to build an “On-Ramp” to the BRI. The South Caucasus provide a potential gateway into Asia’s heart that is not dictated solely by the priorities of Chinese foreign or commercial policies, just as the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline of a generation ago served a similar role.  相似文献   

11.
Groups of developing countries are playing increasing important role in global economic governance. As China has now become a member of such groups like G20 and BRICS, it should make good use of its new identity to explore new markets and promote more Sino-European and South-South cooperation, so as to gradually reduce its current over-dependence on the U.S.A.  相似文献   

12.
Tibet has been an inseparable part of China since ancient times. The peaceful liberation of Tibet, the driving out of the imperialist aggressor forces from Tibet, the democratic reform and abolition of theocratic feudal serfdom in Tibet were significant parts of the Chinese people's national democratic revolution against imperialism and feudalism in modern history,  相似文献   

13.
The ROK general public universally believes that China will become a member of the G-2 or will surpass the United States as the primary world power. However, they are concerned about China’s rise, believing that it will pose a threat to Korea’s national interests.  相似文献   

14.
<正>NGOs are voluntary,non-governmental,non-profit social organizations.In China,NGOs active in ecology and environment protection are generally known as environment NGOs.Tasked with protecting ecological environment,they are selfgoverning organizations with no administrative power which provide environmental public service.In the last 20 years,NGOs have changed profoundly  相似文献   

15.
16.
This article argues that the European Union’s capacity to use an operational instrument for the purpose of an articulated objective constitutes an important, but conceptually neglected and empirically underexplored, element of its actorness. In order to fill this gap, the article introduces the concept of strategic capacity and develops an analytical framework for systematic empirical assessments thereof. Drawing on 22 qualitative expert interviews, the framework is applied to the EU’s maritime operation against human smugglers in the Central Mediterranean (EUNAVFOR MED Operation Sophia). The article finds that the EU so far has displayed a fairly low degree of strategic capacity in its fight against human smugglers. The article argues that this fairly low degree of strategic capacity is not to be ascribed to an institutional apparatus that is unfit for strategic action, but a decision on the part of political decision-makers to give weight to symbolic, as opposed to strategic, action. As a result, the operation has contributed little to the formal objective of disrupting and dismantling human smuggling networks in the Central Mediterranean. In some areas, it has even had an adverse effect on this objective.  相似文献   

17.
Guang  PAN 《Asia Europe Journal》2004,2(4):523-532
Anti-terrorism has become an important part of Chinas domestic and diplomatic agenda. This has its historical roots and theoretical basis. Chinas anti-terrorism campaign started even before 9/11, but it was only after 9/11 that China participates fully in the international anti-terror cooperation and becomes a significant player in the efforts. This paper attempts to make an analysis from the Chinese perspective.  相似文献   

18.
The question of how ordinary courts in new and emerging democracies may gain judicial independence remains an understudied subject compared to its constitutional court counterpart. Through a case study of Taiwan, this article adopts and expands upon the concept of power diffusion from the extant literature, arguing that the growing power of Taiwan’s private corporate sector led the dominant political party Kuomintang (KMT) to grant independence to the ordinary courts as a means to check against this threat, because the excessive rent-seeking and corruption brought about by these empowered corporations were threatening the nation’s successful economic model and its rule of law. Also, due to the corporate sector’s growing influence on the ruling party itself, the KMT leadership had to devise strategies that can credibly commit to ordinary court independence, which would otherwise be reversed thereafter. This unique implication guides a qualitative empirical analysis that reinterprets the historical events surrounding the judicial reforms that took place in the mid-1990s. The results yield strong evidence in support of the theory.  相似文献   

19.
This paper analyses the motivation determining the European Union’s (EU) aid allocation to Vietnam. Existing literature and EU official documents are used to build upon four models with respect to new aid allocation: donor interest, recipient interest, recipient capacity and potential donor influence. The paper concludes that the EU’s aid policy in Vietnam has a long-term objective in conformity with Vietnam’s development strategy—poverty alleviation. Moreover, the EU’s political and economic interests, a successful economic reform and development strategy, a high level of ownership (good governance) and potential donor influence are identified as contributions to make Vietnam an ‘aid darling’.  相似文献   

20.
Narrative analysis has been widely employed in the social sciences. Yet there has been no systematic application of narrative theory to the study of how the word “democracy” is given meaning by political actors. Using the empirical example of the Burmese democracy movement in the lead up to the historic 2015 election victory of the National League for Democracy, this article argues that narrative analysis can contribute in unique ways to the interpretive task of “elucidating” the concept of democracy. Tracing plot and character construction within activist and aid worker stories about democracy in Myanmar, this study reveals three prominent and diverging narratives of democracy within and around the movement; a liberal narrative, centring on liberal democratic institutions and values, a benevolence narrative, focussing on the value of moral leadership and selflessness, and an equality narrative, highlighting the importance of cultural reform towards greater relational equality. Attention to these narratives has implications for donor “democracy promotion” strategies raising new questions about the role of formal institutions of democracy, the perceived source of “solutions”, and the impact on internal struggles within democracy movements.  相似文献   

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