中国对联合国和平安全议程的参与和塑造

恢复联合国合法席位50年来,中国持续融入国际体系,对联合国事务的参与和贡献日益提高。冷战结束后,由于一些国家国内冲突加剧及西方国家在国际上处于强势地位,国际社会对安全威胁来源及联合国作用的认识发生显著变化,由此引发联合国国际和平安全议程的重大调整及规范竞争。中国将联合国安理会作为推行国际和平安全理念及方案的重要平台。安理会中的议程设置、方案选择、投票权、联盟结构等四个方面构成了中国参与和塑造联合国和平安全议程的基本制度框架。中国日益重视利用担任轮值主席国的机会塑造安理会议程,但未能充分参与决议草案起草且被排斥在美英法组成的核心磋商圈之外。作为安理会常任理事国,中国对安理会关键性决策具有重大影响力,并在叙利亚等问题上显示了使用否决权的意志。中国在安理会注重与其他发展中国家的政策协调,并与俄罗斯保持了较高的一致性,然而美国及西方国家在安理会仍居于主导地位。展望未来,中国在联合国和平安全议程中的角色应随着客观环境和需求的改变而作出调整;提升中国理念和方案的吸引力,通过交流、交锋促进与世界其他国家的相互理解与合作,将是中国联合国外交面临的长期任务。     

联合国维持和平行动

联合国维持和平行动(UN Peacekeeping Operations)是指联合国根据其有关决议向冲突地区派遣军事人员以恢复和平或维护和平的行动。其目的是遏制威胁和平的局部冲突的扩大或防止冲突的再起,从而为最终的政治解决创造条件。维持和平行动在《联合国宪章》中并未提及,它是联合国在调解和解决地区冲突的实践中逐步发展而来的。     

从平民保护到安全治理 ——加强联合国与所在国政府及民间组织的合作

冲突中的平民保护问题已经与人权、人道主义干预、保护责任等涉及《联合国宪章》基本原则和国际法基本原则的问题密切相关,是联合国维持和平、建设和平授权的主要内容之一,也是国际法院、国际刑事法院判案的重要依据之一。虽然联合国在平民保护问题上已做出相关决议,但在实践方面,其效果与预期设想还存在差距,也存在诸多困难。将“平民保护”与“安全治理”联系起来,使“平民保护”成为安全治理的一个部分,加强联合国与所在国政府和民间社会在平民保护问题上的积极合作与相互监督,这对提高联合国平民保护效果是非常必要的。     

联合国与中东和平进程

联合国是二战后全球性的国际组织 ,在国际事务中所起的作用举足轻重。本文主要论述了联合国对巴勒斯坦问题态度的演变 ,联合国被美国排挤出中东和平进程以及在中东问题上的困境与出路 ,揭示了中东和平进程出现逆转的国际因素。     

美国与冷战后的联合国维持和平行动

冷战结束期间及冷战后是联合国维和行动急剧增加的时期,我们看到大量分析冷战后维和行动形势变化的材料,这无疑是必要的。但形势中一个重大的因素,就是冷战剩下的惟一超级大国美国的动向。很少有人把联合国维和行动面对的形势变化同美国冷战后的战略策略变化联系起来,本文拟就此略加填补。     

联合国改革与中国和平发展的国际政治环境

联合国受美国的影响较大 ,在美国单边主义影响较大的条件下 ,联合国较难发挥其正常作用 ,但美国也不可能完全抛开联合国 ;联合国是中国和平发展的重要的国际政治环境 ,与中国重要国家利益的有着密切的关联 ;中国不仅要适应联合国这一国际政治环境的特性 ,而且作为一个大国 ,也应采取积极的措施 ,改善和优化这一环境。     

联合国建设和平理论的发展及其在非洲的实践*

联合国建设和平理论经过多年发展基本上确定了民主选举、卸甲归田、保护人权、经济重建、司法和警察体系建设、东道国的自主权等主要原则和任务,这些原则和任务的确定为建设和平的实践奠定了理论基础,而建设和平行动在维护冲突后国家特别是非洲地区国家的和平与稳定方面发挥了重要作用。不过,由于非洲各国国情以及冲突规模、根源存在差异,建设和平行动在不同国家的路径和取得的成效也有所不同。     

联合国维和的退化与出路

联合国维和经历了从冷战时期以维持和平为核心任务,到后冷战时期将维持和平与建设和平相结合的进化。自2010年以来,由于冲突形态变化、干涉主义影响、安理会授权轻率和大国操纵等原因,联合国维和发生了退化,从"维持和平—建设和平"模式退化到了"建立和平—维持和平"模式。维和退化的本质是安全方法替代政治方法,主导了联合国的冲突管理工作。联合国秘书长领导的改革还未解决维和退化的问题。新冠肺炎疫情既为联合国维和带来挑战,也是联合国扭转维和退化趋势的机遇。中国应当积极推动联合国维和回归进化的轨道。     

试论联合国维和行动

联合国维和行动在联合国成立后不久实施以来,从少到多,从小到大,为缓解与消弭有关地区与国家的紧张局势、冲突和危机,维护国际和平与安全做出了重要贡献。现在,维和行动已成为联合国主要职能与任务之一。无论过去、现在和可以预见的将来,联合国维和行动都有其客观必要性和现实可能性。随着联合国及其维和机制的增强,其维和行动及其作用也将进一步增强。     

联合国机构中的日本人

联合国是当今世界会员国最多、代表性最广泛的国际组织。由于日本对联合国的大力支持及积极工作 ,其国际地位在提高 ,影响力在扩大。一些日本人相继担任了联合国机构的重要职务。然而联合国机构中日本人职员的数量并不多 ,日本政府为此采取了许多改进措施。     

The Liberal Peace Revisited: The Role of Democracy,Dependence, and Development in Militarized Interstate Dispute Initiation, 1950–1999

We test a model of the liberal peace by examining the initiation of militarized interstate disputes at the monadic level of analysis from 1950–1999. Liberal peace theory contends that both economic dependence and democratic political systems reduce conflict propensities. Extant empirical analyses of the monadic liberal peace, however, are under-specified. First, the concept of economic dependence not only includes trade, but also foreign investment. Second, existing models do not control for the influence of economic development. Previous research on the monadic liberal peace has also failed to distinguish between the initiation of conflict and participation in conflict. We find evidence for a liberal peace: trade dependence, foreign investment, and democracy reduce a state’s propensity to initiate militarized disputes.     

Dead letters on a page? Civic agency and inclusive governance in neopatrimonialism

Neopatrimonialism has explanatory power regarding the limitations of post-war democratization because it considers the combination of formally-democratic institutions together with power relations based on patronage. Neopatrimonialism does not however explain why marginalized groups make political claims in such inhospitable climates, nor have their experiences of governance processes been adequately explored. This paper addresses this gap based on empirical research in Bosnia-Herzegovina, applying a framework of civic agency to elaborate the goals and capacities of civil society actors. Under what conditions can civic agency foster inclusive governance outcomes? The research found that perceptions of limited and ambiguous outcomes from engagement in governance processes encourage civil society organizations to have incrementalist goals and limit self-perceptions of capacity. Inclusive outcomes were nonetheless more likely with persistent intentions and actions. Transactional capacities based on ties to political actors rather than participatory capacities based on political mobilization were more likely to lead to inclusive governance outcomes.     

Dealing with the Ambivalent Dragon: Can Engagement Moderate China’s Strategic Competition with America?

Can US engagement moderate China’s strategic competition with America? This study indicates that the answer is a qualified yes. Under unipolarity, a rising state may face both incentives to reach an accommodation with the hegemon and to expand its own stature and influence against the hegemonic dominance. The ambivalence of its intentions is structurally induced and reflects its uncertain stake in the hegemonic order. Consequently, a strategy of engagement may help the hegemon to promote cooperation over competition in dealing with an ascending power, but it does not necessarily eliminate the structural incentives for the competition. Against this theoretical backdrop, this study utilizes both qualitative and quantitative research to demonstrate that China’s reaction to American preeminence has long been marked by a profound ambivalence. Specifically, the findings suggest that while US engagement has some restraining impact on China’s competitive propensity, Beijing will continue to hedge against American hegemony, as its capabilities grow, by solidifying its diplomatic and strategic association with the developing world.     

“Gendering” European security: policy changes,reform coalitions and opposition in the OSCE

The Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) has rarely been considered in scholarship on gender and security, even though it was one of the regional security organisations whose gender policy predated the United Nations Security Council’s call for more international attention to issues related to women, peace and security in October 2000. Based on an analysis of official OSCE documents and on semi-structured interviews, we trace the integration of gender issues in the OSCE and explore the rationale behind and the challenges associated with it. We identify two phases of gender policy change in the OSCE and show how the integration of UNSCR 1325 brought about an expansion of OSCE gender policy from an exclusive focus on “soft” security issues towards increased inclusion of gender in the area of “hard” security. Drawing on historical and feminist institutionalism, we argue that reform coalitions were crucial for the policy changes in the OSCE but that they encountered institutional and ideational barriers, which hampered implementation of the gender policy. In light of rising opposition, our analysis warns of a backlash that might jeopardise current achievements.     

重塑国家之责：人的安全保护、冲突与治理

与传统的“国家安全”观相比,“人的安全”观是非传统安全领域中的重要内容。人的安全受多维度影响。其中一个或几个维度出现问题,人的安全就受到威胁;威胁达到一定程度,就可能导致冲突。这些维度构成冲突诱因。冲突诱因呈现多元化。有的诱因与冲突相关度较低,有的诱因对诱发冲突具有乘数效应。就触发状态而言,冲突可能由单一因素诱发,亦可由多种因素叠加引发。如果治理失当,会导致冲突恶化。一个国家要有效地治理冲突,就应当对导致冲突的诱因及相关度有深刻理解,如此方可对症下药。人的安全概念、国家保护责任与新干预主义是相继形成的三个概念。应当说,尽管以人为中心的安全框架日益被全球关注,但应当采取何种治理形式,何种治理形式属于最优方案,在国际社会中并未达成共识。但是,根据《联合国宪章》的精神,保护人的安全的责任首先在于当事国政府。主权原则仍是国际关系的基本原则,是解决人的安全问题必须遵守的根本准则。     

Beyond Dyads: Regional Democratic Strength’s Influence on Dyadic Conflict

Over the history of modern international relations research, we have moved from systemic and regional studies to empirical explorations of dyadic interactions. However, our statistical models have put the details of dyadic interactions under a microscope at the expense of ignoring the relevant regional context that these dyads interact in. This development has been in part due to computational limitations, but do we really believe that decision makers interact with one another while ignoring the regional power balance and the wishes of regional powers? In this article, I take a look at the well-researched relationship between democracy and peace by using a multilevel approach to dyadic interactions and the regions they are embedded in. The findings suggest that when the regional power balance favors democracies, it influences conflict between dyads, especially mixed dyads, by increasing the costs of aggression by autocracies and establishing regional norms of cooperation and compromise.     

‘Peace-building as state-building’? Rethinking liberal interventionism in contexts of emerging states

Contemporary policy-making guided by the ‘liberal peace’ holds that peace is necessary for states to emerge, and that peace-building and state-building do not only go in tandem, but are mutually reinforcing. Yet, in view of both the historical record of state-making and empirical evidence provided by liberal interventionism, this proposition appears questionable. While scholars have shown that state-making has, historically, been as much associated with war than with peace, cases from Afghanistan to Somalia suggest that state-making is inherently conflictive, frequently upsetting nascent peace. In order to shed light on the reasons underpinning the relationship between prevailing peace-building practices and the fundamental exigencies of state-making, this article pursues a theoretical argument. It proposes that while peace-building is principally about creating a situation of non-violent co-existence despite prevailing differences and, thus, essentially geared at accepting and enshrining institutional and identity pluralism, state-making is vitally aimed at replacing institutional and identity multiplicity with greater degrees of rule hegemony and standardisation. Applying the prism of ‘rule standardisation’ to the nexus of peace-building and state-making, this paper seeks to advance existing debates on this delicate relationship.     

Is a Human Security Approach Possible? Compatibility between the Strategies of Protection and Empowerment

This article explores the delivery of strategies for human security,protection and empowerment, using as case study the UN AssistanceMission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) during 2002 and 2003. This UNoperation took place in the context of the international interventionsin Afghanistan and was a direct consequence of the US-led waron terror and the post-conflict state-building process whichensued. It was tasked to address the immediate human insecurity.The analysis of this mission highlights the pertinent issueswhich relate to the development of an effective human securityapproach and which apply to UN operations in general. It isvital, in this respect, to examine the compatibility betweenthe strategies of protection and empowerment, as human securitynow forms a central value of UN operations. This exploration,in turn, questions the distinct role of the UN in dealing withhuman insecurity in post-conflict situations.