日本的环境保护及其启示

本文以日本的环保立法和环保政策为出发点,着重探讨了日本政府对环保工作的指导和管理作用,重点分析了日本政府在节能管理、环保技术创新与推广、循环经济、民众环保意识普及等方面的政策举措,并在此基础上,提出了中国环保工作的基本思路和做法.     

安倍第二次内阁期间日本对中东能源外交

安倍晋三第二次内阁期间是日本深化与拓展对中东能源外交非常“显著”的时期。安倍在第二次首相任内,经常出访中东,特别是重点加强与中东海湾重要能源出产国的能源合作关系。安倍第二次内阁期间,日本对中东能源外交主要涵盖了石油与天然气、可再生能源以及核能等领域。安倍第二次内阁期间,日本深化与拓展对中东能源外交是各种因素合力推动下进行的。日本深化对中东能源外交,首要目标是要绝对维系与确保日本中东能源进口安全,以为日本经济社会正常发展提供绝对支撑与保障,同时适时乘机扩展和彰显日本在中东地区能够发挥出的独特外交影响力。日本深化与拓展对中东能源外交面临着不少挑战与问题。未来日本能源消费结构还是相当程度上要依赖油气等化石能源,所以,未来日本客观上无法避免地还要继续深化与拓展对中东能源外交。而是否能够有效深化对中东能源外交,将是检验日本能源安全战略与日本整体外交智慧的“观察窗口”。     

完善中日环境合作机制的路径选择

中国和日本的环境合作项目中,双边合作效果显著。而两国参加的多边层面的环境合作虽然形式众多,但由于大多采取对话方式从而难以落实到具体的行动当中,所以合作的实质进展十分缓慢,尤其在遇到解决跨界环境危机事件的过程中,缺乏有效整合及联合应急的能力,造成效率低下。中日两国应该尝试建立常设性的联合工作小组,以及临时性的联合应急行动小组;中国和日本作为东北亚的核心国家,在东北亚区域环境合作中要发挥更大的作用;在完善中国和日本环境合作机制的前提下,两国分别具体执行自己应承担的环保角色;加强中国和日本在节能、环保等方面的合作,减轻两国能源危机压力,这四个方面是合理的对策选择。     

安倍政府的中亚ODA政策研究

冷战结束以来,日本一直以ODA政策为外交工具发展与中亚国家的关系,而且多年来位居对中亚五国经济援助最多的国家前三名。安倍上台以后,日本加强了对中亚地区的关注,不仅提高了援助总额,而且还加大了无偿援助金额,并调整了重点援助国别。其ODA项目表现为以"高质量基础设施建设"为重点,以关注民生工程为亮点,以及重视对中亚地区的价值观塑造、积极参与联合国提倡的合作项目等。其政策调整的驱动因素有四点:"俯瞰地球仪外交"理念推动下对一流国家地位的追求、以实现能源进口国多样化为目标的战略部署、受到美国"新丝绸之路"计划的催化影响以及意在"平衡"中国在中亚地区的影响力。从实施效果和影响来看,日本对中亚调整后的ODA政策具有一定的局限性,如发挥政治影响力不足、难以实现能源进口国多样化目标以及受到日本国内经济问题的制约等;而最重要的成效体现在提升日本在中亚社会基层民众中的受欢迎度,这将成为日本进入中亚的潜力。安倍政府对中亚ODA政策的调整不会在政治、经济和能源方面对中国产生大的影响,但其ODA政策的成效对中国"一带一路"战略进入中亚、建立良好"国家形象"以及实现"民心相通"等目标提供了启示。中国应在中亚地区重视民生工程,在参与中亚地区能源开发的同时注意环保问题以及加强双方各层次人员的交流。     

论战后日本经济增长方式的转折及对我国的启迪

一、如何认识20世纪70年代日本经济出现的转折 从世界上工业发达国家所走过的道路可以看到,人类以往传统的经济增长方式会带来两重性的后果,GNP增长的高速度往往与影响和制约经济社会发展的困素相伴而生。(因此,对日本经济高速增长的因素分析,同时可以用来说明日本经济为什么转入低速增长)事实上,日本经济发展过程中出现的跌宕起伏,反映了人类进入工业化阶段经济增长所普遍遇到的问题,即能源保障与环境问题对经济增长的制约。在传统工业化的经济增长方式下一些曾经推动经济高速增长的因素,同时也潜伏着阻碍经济持续发展的危机。     

马克龙当选与法国未来环境气候政策走向

2017年5月初,法国大选成为头条新闻:年仅39岁、仅具一定经济领域执政经验的马克龙入主爱丽舍宫。在能源与生态转型成为大势所趋、《巴黎协定》履约遭遇不小阻力的背景下,新任总统对环境气候问题的立场和设想如何?他将给法国环境气候政策带来怎样的变数?法国未来环境气候政策的特点是什么?这些构成了本文的核心内容。     

关于建立和完善企业的环境管理--日本环境治理的启示

任何一个企业家都要讲求经济效益,这是毫无疑问的,但是,单纯的利益驱动会带来什么后果呢?日本则是一个典型的例子。日本在追求经济高速发展的过程中,造成了大规模的产业公害,使一些天然景观和自然生态环境遭到极大地破坏,同时也严重地损害了国民居住环境和身体健康。很多迹象表明,我国也正在一步步地朝着这个方向发展。 如何有效地扼制环境的恶化,很多的专象、学者,以及有识之士想出了很多策略,其中最关键的是迫使企业家熟知环境保护的概念,认识环境保护的重要性,从而主动地参与到保护环境的行动中来。实践证明,这一点无论是日本还是我国都是行之有效的,例如,政府对企业环境保护方面的政策、法律、法规、标准越来越全面、细致、严格;有关部门对环境     

日本与非洲能源合作的深层目的及其面临的挑战

非洲大陆与近海蕴藏着丰富的能源资源,非洲在国际能源市场中的地位日益凸显。近几年,为了应对国内不断增多的能源需求,同时也为了寻求摆脱对中东能源的依赖,日本逐渐加强与非洲的能源合作关系。日本与非洲加强能源合作关系,除了是为满足能源进口多元化这一显性目的之外,还有其他更深层次的目的,包括彰显日本的海洋地缘政治影响力,以及为日本继续追求"入常"服务等。不过,日本与非洲加强能源合作,还面临着不少挑战,日本自身的功利性目的、与美欧的竞争博弈以及处处与中国一争高下的心态,制约着日本进一步提升与非洲进行能源合作的水平与速度。     

韩国电影中的身份和国家认知研究——以韩国电影《朝韩梦之队》为研究案例

韩国电影"朝韩梦之队"(英文名As One,韩文名(?))是由历史上朝韩在体育界合作的真实事件改编而成。影片讲述了1991年在日本千叶县举行的世界乒乓球锦标赛中,由朝鲜和韩国联合组成的历史上第一支乒乓球南北联队在女子双打项目上艰难取得冠军胜利的过程,以及在这一过程中两国选手们充满汗水和眼泪、冲突和友谊的故事。对身份和国家认知以及"朝韩梦"是如何实现的,都反映在以乒乓球这一体育运动为媒介,同时必须要和中国这一邻国和大国竞争,以上几点使这部电影有别于其他有关朝鲜半岛题材的电影,成为本文研究的案例。本文将提出如下问题:电影的名字蕴含着什么样的政治意味?不同但相关联的身份认知如何互动?"朝韩梦"是如何反映在电影之中的?朝韩两国又是如何在电影中看待邻国的?     

上海合作组织成员国能源合作:趋势与问题

近年来,上海合作组织成员国的能源工业获得了长足发展,成员国间的双边或多边能源合作也逐渐深入,尤其是中国与各国的能源合作取得了突破性的进展。2008年以来的国际金融危机对以能源生产和出口为支柱产业的俄罗斯和中亚国家的影响都较大,成员国间的能源合作出现了各国相互依赖加深、能源供求多元化格局逐步形成等一些新的发展趋势。但同时还存在安全、资金、技术等多方面的问题亟待解决。因此,需要各国携手加强区域经济合作,建立能源合作机制、技术合作等。     

论加拿大政府的能源出口多元化政策

美国页岩气革命、亚洲地区能源需求增长、中东局势不稳定,影响了全球能源供求关系,驱动加拿大政府寻求更加多元的能源出口地。哈珀政府和小特鲁多政府积极实施能源出口多元化政策,加强输油管线建设,丰富能源出口产品类型,加强与他国特别是亚洲国家的经贸合作。这种能源出口多元化政策改善了加拿大能源出口环境,提升了加拿大能源在国际市场上的竞争力。但加拿大能源出口多元化战略也面临系列挑战,如能源行业的发展受到国内因素的限制、出口市场面临来自其他能源出口国的强力竞争,还有加拿大与大国关系的倒退等。     

资源民族主义语境下日本能源外交的新策略

在石油价格高企时代，资源民族主义日益膨胀。比邻而居的日本在能源外交之路上推出了诸多新举措：一是快速提升与中亚国家的合作关系，以期进一步拓宽能源进口源；二是在保持与中东传统友好关系基础上，通过合作方式和合作项目等方面的策略创新，寄希深度强化双方关系；三是积极与中、印等能源消费大国合作，以求提升国家形象。日本能源外交战略上的新策略，既非一朝一夕的构想，亦非既定方针，而是其外交经验的“积渐所至”。     

Nuclear Policy and Regulation in Japan after Fukushima: Navigating the Crisis

The aftermath of the Fukushima disaster, the worst nuclear accident since Chernobyl, has seen a public debate emerge over the future desirability of nuclear power in Japan. While Japanese citizens’ suspicion of nuclear power has grown, the nuclear industry and electricity utilities have called on the central government to recommission the country’s reactors amid warnings of devastation for the Japanese economy. This article analyses nuclear policy-making in Japan in the aftermath of Fukushima, with the aim to identify key theoretical, institutional and organisational drivers and constraints to future change in Japan’s nuclear energy policy. Despite the growing anti-nuclear sentiment and concerns about the environmental risks of nuclear power, we contend that the continuing power of vested interests will make it difficult for Japan to completely abandon nuclear power during the course of the next decade. However, given the independence of the newly established nuclear regulator and the fact that an effective veto power is held by local government officials, some of whom are opposed to the recommissioning of nuclear plants in their prefectures, we argue that the nuclear policy and regulatory landscape in Japan will undergo moderate change.     

Energy cooperation problems in Northeast Asia: Unfolding the reality

It is a truism that Northeast Asian states could benefit very much if they were to cooperate in the energy security realm. However, to many, especially economists, their behaviour to this common sense solution has been bewildering: there has been simply no progress towards this end and it still remains a puzzle, even to many energy specialists. This article attempts to answer a simple question: Why do the Northeast Asian states, namely China, Japan, Korea, and Russia, not cooperate? For its analysis, the author of the article relies on content analysis of recently released official governmental long-term energy policy and strategy documents of these states, and notes that cooperation for energy security reasons at the regional level is conspicuously absent, which possibly implies a lack of desire and willingness to do so amongst themselves. The article, however, deliberately omits from its study Korea, simply because no such long-term energy policy exists today. It attributes the major cause to the strong propensity by energy specialists to interchangeably use the concepts of ‘energy cooperation’ and ‘energy security’ in their analysis.     

The “Greening” of China: Progress,Limitations, and Contradictions

China’s rapid economic growth in the last three decades has been fuelled by energy-intensive investment and manufacturing, which have become instrumental for China to become the world’s largest economy based on purchasing power parity, and for the United States and the European Union to have access to cheap consumer goods. China’s development strategy, however, has generated a serious domestic environmental crisis, which has also accelerated the global climate emergency. In addition, the 2008 economic crisis led to a collapse of China’s external demand, inducing the leadership to support domestic investment – including investment in environmental projects – as an alternative source of effective demand. By setting ambitious green targets and by adopting strategic policy initiatives, China has become the world’s largest investor in renewable energy. Yet China remains the world’s largest coal consumer and the world’s largest carbon dioxide emitter. The Chinese economy nears a crossroad: will it be able to maintain its commitment to green energies or will it fall back to its historical reliance on fossil fuels to sustain growth? This article evaluates the interplay between China’s economy and environment over the course of the reform period, and investigates the set of forces that impinge upon China’s ecological future.     

俄罗斯发展战略演变的理论逻辑

俄罗斯社会经济发展战略演变包括两个内容:调整的历史和内在的逻辑。俄罗斯经济结构的继承性是分析问题的历史起点,经济发展的内在规律是经济发展战略调整要遵循的理论逻辑。作为经济现代化的基础性制度保障,相对于技术工艺层面的创新,市场经济体制的完善更加重要,这不仅带来资源配置效率的提升,同时提出了保障市场经济体制有效运行的市场强化型政府的要求,由此更推动了国家的全面现代化。     

日本能源安全的体制保障对中国能源管理体制改革的启示

20世纪能源危机时期,日本制定了健全的能源安全保障体制和运行机制。同样,能源安全对我国的可持续发展及国家安全具有战略意义。通过对日本能源安全保障体制以及中国能源管理体制变革的追述和分析,试图为中国能源管理体制改革提供可行性的建议。     

Drivers of China’s Regional Infrastructure Diplomacy: The Case of the Sino-Thai Railway Project

ABSTRACT

The land-based Silk Road Economic Belt, as a part of China’s Belt and Road Initiative, has become central for the country’s economic diplomacy since 2013. As part of these initiatives, Chinese authorities have been keen to expand their high-speed railways across the country’s border into neighbouring countries. Thailand has been one of the front-runners in negotiating high-speed railway projects with China. This article seeks to answer the following questions: what are the driving forces behind the land-based Silk Road Belt; what are the rationales behind the Sino-Thai rail project; and how can the process and outcome of Sino-Thai negotiations be understood? These questions reflect on whether we are witnessing Chinese economic diplomacy to advance commercial and wider economic goals or Chinese economic statecraft to serve foreign policy objectives. Overall, after examining the evidence, the article argues that Silk Road Economic Belt diplomacy and the Sino-Thai rail project are driven predominantly by economic motivations.     

Japanese Energy Security Revisited

Facing the surge of “resource nationalism” in energy-producing countries and the rapid growth of energy demand in China and India, the Japanese government has decided to play an active role in securing its energy import, which decision seems to have received the solid support of the people. Effective support by the government to business, needless to say, is welcomed. However, experience teaches that excessive intervention in energy procurement by non-business sectors would do no good and a lot of harm for Japan's stable energy supply in the future. Furthermore, foreseeing a future energy balance in Japan, the country should refrain from engaging in the so-called “scramble for energy” occurring globally. This paper sets out in detail the argument that it is in Japan's best interests to eliminate to as great an extent as possible any political dimension from an energy product such as oil in order to reduce its importance as a strategic commodity and strengthen its characteristics as a market commodity.     

Japan and China: Security interests in the post-Cold War era

This article examines the role of Japan in relation to China’s security interests in the post-Cold War era. The first section assesses Japan as a potential security threat to China at a time when Japan appears to be re-emerging as a great power. It analyzes the possible rise of nationalism in Japan today, including discussion of China’s dispute with Japan over the Diaoyu Islands. The second section looks at how Japan can actually enhance China’s security interests, particularly in the economic sphere. Japan’s contribution to China’s modernization drive is assessed. It is argued that Japan seems to enhance China’s security interests more than it poses a threat, partly because of the economic benefits China derives from trading with Japan, and partly because Japanese foreign policy has hitherto been kept in check by the U.S.-Japan Mutual Security Treaty.