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1.
日本通过农业支持政策对农业实施保护,其保护程度在发达国家中是比较高的。日本的农业支持政策经过了高关税、严格价格控制、农业经济协调发展、注重生态保护4个阶段。现行的农业支持政策存在粮食管制制度严格、关税保护政策引发的利益损失、农协负面作用等问题,目前正通过发放专项补助、改变农业结构、改进农协功能等措施对现行农业支持政策进行改革。研究日本的农业支持政策,将对中国有重要的启示作用。  相似文献   

2.
加人WTO后,中国农业面临一个全新的国际环境,在开放的环境下,原有的农业政策束缚着我国农业的发展.为了提升农业产品在国际市场上的竞争力,争取把农业受"人世"的冲击降至最低程度,中国要借鉴发达国家的经验,对农业政策进行调整,建立一整套农业保护与扶持机制.日本在农业发展过程中与我国相似之处颇多,因此,日本的农业保护措施值得我国借鉴.  相似文献   

3.
一、赴日培训考察的主要内容 这次赴日主要学习了解了:日本战后经济发展的几个阶段、日本国土开发政策、日本政府职能和改革运行机制提高工作效率的情况、日本产业振兴计划、日本中小型企业经济管理的主要特征、日本振兴地方经济的政策和规划、日本环境保护及治理、日本农林水产政策和发展现状、日本沿海经济开发政策和规划、日本科技振兴政策、中国产业发展方向研究和经济投资环境改建议等。并且实地考察了日本东京最大的农副产品批发市场。横演临海地区的规划开发及建设、日本鸭庄海水养殖、加工及经营、大阪城市建设开发区、筑波高科技园区和日本沿濑户内海交通规划、日本大阪新海港和最大的空港关西机场等。  相似文献   

4.
日本防卫政策的调整及其评价   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
首先通过防卫计划大纲的修改概括分析了日本新防卫政策调整的五个特点,即重点防范对象由俄罗斯转向中国,防卫理念由静态转向动态,军事部署的重心由北方转向南方,安保合作方式由双边转向多边,武器输出限制由严格转向宽松。然后,对这种调整的背景进行分析,认为防卫政策的调整是日本防卫力渐增过程的必然结果,是日本对中国崛起的具体反映,是日本配合美国亚洲战略调整的重要步骤。最后,对这次调整进行了初步评价,认为该调整是对日本战后一直奉行的低调防卫政策的又一次突破,并使东亚合作的进程蒙上了阴影,特别是给中日建立战略互惠关系增添了新的障碍。  相似文献   

5.
美日欧农业支持政策比较研究   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
农业支持政策长期以来是WTO成员方进行多边贸易谈判的焦点.发达国家一直对农业实行强大的支持和保护,国内农业支持的政策手段也呈现其多样化的特点.本文主要通过对美国、日本和欧盟农业支持政策的介绍、分析及比较,说明发达国家在不同时期制定相应农业政策以适应其发展,进而阐明了农业政策对于农业发展的重要性.  相似文献   

6.
日元升值下的日本产业结构调整政策及对中国的启示   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
1985年广场协议后,日元大幅度升值,日本政府通过鼓励对外直接投资和刺激国内需求来促进国内产业结构调整。对外直接投资通过传统产业转移效应和新兴产业成长效应促进了日本产业结构优化,同时对外直接投资也引发了:日本国内产业空心化问题。扩大内需政策促进了日本产业结构的调整。主要表现在提高了制造业产品的附加价值、促进了服务业的发展以及内需型新产业群的兴起。日元升值下的日本产业结构调整政策对人民币升值的中国提供了重要启示。  相似文献   

7.
后冷战时代日本ODA政策析论   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
政府开发援助(ODA)作为日本发展自身经济和拓展对外交往的有效手段,对战后日本乃至世界经济的发展都起到了至关重要的影响。冷战结束以后,日本加快了急当世界政治大国的步伐,为此更加倚重政府开发援助这一既能有效贯彻自身政治外交意图又为国际社会所普遍接受的政策手段,而世界第二经济大国和对外援助总额世界第一的经济实力地位,客观上为日本进行政府开发对外援助提供了得天独厚的经济优势。根据冷战后国际政治经济形势的新发展和日本外交目标与任务的调整,日本对外援助在新的对外政策体系中得到重新定位。一、继续维持日本战略…  相似文献   

8.
美国2007年农场法立法的政治经济学分析   总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6  
李超民 《美国研究》2007,21(1):107-119
美国国内目前正在激烈辩论2007年农场法案,主要农场利益集团已经相继提出延长《2002年农场法》一年和在2007年农场法中增加“农场整体收益安全网”等农场收入支持政策,新的农场法还将涉及水土保持政策的大幅度修订,以及中西部等农业州发展生物能源等重大农场经济转型问题。美国农业部则提出2007年农业法要更多关注农村整体发展。美国国会除了支持延续现行农场经济保护政策,认为2007年农场法还要反映非农场利益集团关心的问题。本文认为,美国国内对2007年农场法的辩论和未来法律内容的变化,不但对美国不同利益集团的政治经济关系是一个新的调整,而且对参加新一轮世界贸易组织农业协议谈判各方提出了新要求。  相似文献   

9.
日本工业化时期农业政策述评   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
日本工业化过程中的农业政策是明治新政府产业政策的一个重要内容,而农业政策的成败直接关系到整个国民经济能否健康发展。不过,我国学术界对之研究甚少,因此加强对日本工业化时期的农业政策的研究仍有必要,也有十分重要的现实意义。  相似文献   

10.
作为欧盟对非洲政策调整的重要组成部分,其制度机制自2007年里斯本峰会后,进行了重要的创新和调整。制度机制调整是欧盟在新的国际背景下,实现其更广泛的对非政策目标的基本保证。围绕欧盟原有对非制度机制中存在的条块分割、成员国缺乏协调以及欧非制度能力不对称等问题,欧盟对非制度机制的重要创新包括引入联合专家组和确立"主要协调国"的新的工作方式,同时加强了内部不同对非制度机制之间的统合。基于中国作为欧盟对非政策的主要牵动性因素,本文在分析欧盟对非制度机制调整背景以及调整的主要内容的基础上,重点论述了它对当前中国对非机制可能产生的影响与压力。  相似文献   

11.
日俄关系在日本的周边外交中占有重要位置,近年来日本试图通过调整对俄政策彰显外交的自主性,改善周边外交状况,推出了一些新的政策措施。首先,日本建议绕开领土问题,扩大与俄罗斯的经济合作,为两国关系的彻底改善,也为最终解决领土问题奠定基础。其次,提出日俄在争议领土从事"共同经济活动"的建议,旨在与俄罗斯在争议领土进行"共同"开发,获得俄罗斯默认日本对争议领土具有主权权利,以便打开日俄关系的大门。第三,日本试图通过调整对俄政策改善周边关系,维护日本在周边外交中的有利地位。但是,日本的对俄政策依然受到内外因素限制,俄罗斯不会轻易在领土问题上让步,日本国内舆论也不可能支持政府在领土问题上让步,日俄之间也不可能在领土问题上达成共识,日俄之间的经济合作也很难脱离政治环境而有所扩大,特别是在日美同盟的框架下,日俄合作具有局限性,日本的周边外交仍然陷于困境之中。  相似文献   

12.
This article examines the domestic political dynamics behind US president Donald Trump’s “America First” approach to trade and foreign policy, to understand better how long this strain of American economic nationalism might last and what it means for Japan’s national security strategy. The political base for Trump’s trade protectionism and apparent indifference to allies has roots stretching back into American history, but this movement has strengthened in recent years due to a combination of growing economic inequality in the United States, demographic changes, and the impact of fast-paced technology development and economic globalization. These political trends are likely to persist beyond Trump’s presidency, although some potential negative effects on Japan and the US-Japan alliance in the medium-to-longer term can be mitigated by Japan’s proactive foreign policy and other steps. The alliance still offers a great deal of value to both countries—now and into the future—but Japan should consider a slightly larger global leadership role in concert with others, even as the allies work to enhance their continued cooperation on shared interests.  相似文献   

13.
日本农业普及教育的发展及其借鉴   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
日本农业普及教育产生于“二战”之后,是日本农业发展体系的关键一环,为日本农业的发展提供了强有力的支撑。由于日本经济和社会的发展变化,日本农业普及教育在经济恢复时期、经济高速发展时期、经济低速发展时期的三个发展阶段中呈现出不同的发展特征。研究日本农业普及教育的发展对我国农业普及教育的发展具有一定的启发意义。  相似文献   

14.
Japan's economic and political relationship with South Africa has been characterised historically by ambiguity. Throughout the twentieth century, economic ties were underpinned by mercantilist and strategic considerations. During apartheid, this placed Japan in an uneasy position as it sought to balance a relationship of expediency with wider foreign policy objectives in the rest of Africa and beyond. The demise of apartheid created the space for new forms of engagement centred on the pursuit of cognate goals. This has seen the intensification and deepening of economic ties in particular. Yet relations, especially at the political and diplomatic levels, have also been more complex than anticipated, and in recent years, the rise in Africa of other players from Asia and the Global South has had a bearing on South Africa–Japan ties. In this paper, it is argued that two related dynamics pivoting on policy elites’ changing conceptions (or self-view) of the nature of the state they are running and its place in the wider world order help explain the post-apartheid evolution of the South Africa–Japan relationship. First, there has been an apparent shift in South African foreign policy elites’ self-view, mediated by a changing systemic context. The development and manifestation over time of a stronger Global South self-conception in South African foreign policy, fashioned in juxtaposition to what have been considered in the past key Global North relationships, had direct consequences for South Africa–Japan ties. Second, meso- and micro-level dynamics – the role of the general operations in the diplomatic (i.e. bureaucratic) arena, and the personalities and shifting political preferences of individual executive leaders – had major impacts on how South Africa engaged with Japan in the past two decades.  相似文献   

15.
ABSTRACT

This article discusses whether liberalisation has moderated or aggravated India’s employment problems. Since the Modi government’s election in 2014 and the introduction of the flagship “Make in India” policy, various government officials and academics have argued that India’s employment situation has improved and is showing promising signs of growth and development. However, in this article, it is argued that India’s liberalisation policies have generated numerous problems: employment has delinked from GDP growth due to the increasing financialisation of accumulation; job growth is equal to or below labour force growth; and informalisation is increasing. A structural shift is occurring in India and is causing rural–urban migration due to increased agricultural input costs, reverse tenancy and the mechanisation of agriculture without the creation of new employment. This has led to a redistribution of existing employment in the urban informal sector.  相似文献   

16.
Indian state embarked upon a comprehensive reform of the economy in late 1980s, and there is more or less consensus amongst policy makers regarding liberalization. The reform process in India has not encountered much resistance from pressure groups because it has not made much headway in respect of debureaucratising and depoliticising the management of the infrastructure and in decentralizing rural development.

It is important in this context to look at the macroeconomic policy changes and its impact on agricultural sector. This article attempts to analyse the performance of Indian agriculture under liberalisation. We know that in the recent past Indian agriculture is being neglected. The benefits of liberalisation could not hitherto reach the rural poor because of the failure of economic reforms to penetrate into the vital agricultural sector. The article also attempts to analyse the adverse impact, if any, of free market conditions on the rural poor and suggests changes to revamp agriculture so as to make it more competitive.  相似文献   

17.
In the past few years, many wealthy democracies have exhibited significant backlash against the liberal international order. Why has Japan—also a leader of this order—remained comparatively calm? I argue that though Japan was a prominent member of the liberal international order, in many ways it pursued policies far less liberal than those of its partners. Japanese trade policies (lingering trade barriers in in agriculture and non-tariff barriers in industrial sector) protected different sectors of the Japanese economy. Where Japan did liberalize, the government upheld the social compact of extending benefits to dislocated workers. Furthermore, Japan’s strict immigration policy contrasts with far more welcoming immigration policies in Europe and the United States. Tokyo deferred to public skepticism about immigration (rather than disregarding it, as did American and European leaders). The more nationalist agenda of a leading liberal state is critical for understanding both the roots of the current crisis in the liberal international order—and how it might be saved.  相似文献   

18.
In an age of declining American power, more Japanese are now understanding the need for multilateral diplomacy, according to Professor Reinhard Drifte, Chair of Japanese Studies in the Department of Politics at the University of Newcastle upon Tyne, UK. In this analysis of Japan's quest for a permanent Security Council seat, Drifte argues that Japan has to move beyond making simply monetary and procedural contributions to the United Nations, to a position of being ready to offer substantive policy input. For this to happen, he says the whole Japanese policy culture has to change.  相似文献   

19.
冷战使日本在美国的全球战略中作用提升,成为反共"防波堤",其具有政治目的性的东南亚"经济外交"呈现出明显的海洋战略取向,且影响至今。因地缘利益、东南亚战略,日本南海政策的基本出发点自冷战开始后始终没变,即追随美国遏制中国政策,对南海诸岛归属问题上采取模糊态度和立场,这为后来南海周边某些国家侵占南海岛礁留下所谓借口。此时日本还曾插足于南海诸岛,由于海峡两岸对南海权益的维护使其非法行为无法为继,但随着经济的发展,日本越来越依赖南海航道和加大南海石油资源的开发,这决定其"关心"南海问题就是势所必然了。  相似文献   

20.
As China accumulates more power, Japan is often overlooked as being capable of affecting China’s continued trajectory because of material differences and narratives of Japan being a reactive state. Yet, Beijing’s strategic planning cannot ignore Tokyo because Japan has the ability to affect the region’s security environment. Feeling its presence and influence becoming relatively smaller, Tokyo has been increasingly proactive in its effort to expand its strategic space and shape the regional environment in ways conducive to its interests. A review of Japan’s approach to China since 1972 reveals that it has shifted away from its traditional engagement policy toward first a soft hedge, followed by a harder hedge that continues to this day. Today’s mix of partnerships and capabilities enable Japan to complicate China’s freedom of action and frustrate its continued rise.  相似文献   

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