International institutions and the framing of domestic policies: The Kyoto Protocol and Canada's response to climate change

The 1997 Kyoto Protocol establishes an international institutional framework for domestic responses to climate change that links emission targets for developed countries to international market mechanisms. Although these flexible mechanisms allow developed countries some leeway in how they meet their commitments to reduce greenhouse gases, the protocol also establishes a normative framework that directs domestic policy responses along certain paths. Applying insights from sociological institutionalism and constructivism in international relations, this article argues first, that the climate change regime reflects and further institutionalizes the prevailing international normative structure in the environmental issue area, characterized as liberal environmentalism. Second, these norms, as embodied in the climate change regime, have enabled and constrained climate change policy development in Canada, one of the worlds largest emitters of greenhouse gases per capita. International norms can shape or redefine domestic interests, enable policies in conformity with those norms, and create normative pressures for change by linking with extant domestic and foreign policy norms. Uncovering this international institutional-domestic policy interaction resolves the paradox of Canada's promotion of commitments and mechanisms consistent with its domestic interests and institutional constraints, but eventual commitment to action well beyond what those constraints dictate. This commitment continues despite Kyoto's uncertain future. The findings also point to lacunae in the literature on regime compliance and effectiveness more broadly, especially its dominant rationalist variant.     

Policy learning as complex contagion: how social networks shape organizational beliefs in forest-based climate change mitigation

Policy Sciences - Policy learning can alter the perceptions of both the seriousness and the causes of a policy problem, thus also altering the perceived need to do...     

Justice in a non-ideal world: the case of climate change

Ideal theory faces a paradox. The ‘capacity of guidance’ is an important feature of most normative theories, but ideal principles of justice are not well suited to guide action in non-ideal circumstances. This charge presses us to seek plausible avenues to connect ideal values with the non-ideal realisation of justice. The objective of this paper is to introduce an analytical framework and present a case study in support of what I call the ‘reflective integration thesis’. The thesis states that: if we wish to formulate principles of justice that can guide action in non-ideal circumstances, we need to integrate ideal and non-ideal theory, and the way to integrate ideal and non-ideal theory is by seeking reflective equilibrium between these levels. Taking climate justice as a model, this paper will explore the features of a non-ideal theory of justice, thereby providing insights about the structure of an action-guiding theory. It will show that, in order to guide action, our ideal principles of climate justice need to be reformulated in the light of real-world considerations, which we only obtain by integrating the relevant empirical work on the matter.     

In defense of the duty to assist: a response to critics on the viability of a Rawlsian approach to climate change

One test of the practical relevance of any theory of international justice will be to apply it to the case of global climate change. Several thinkers have already dismissed John Rawls’s Law of Peoples as a possible candidate for helping to manage this problem, arguing, among other things, that it demands too little, too late. This paper revisits and defends the Rawlsian framework as a viable approach to managing climate change. In particular, it argues that the duty to assist (the eighth principle of the Law of Peoples) may actually be an invaluable resource for dealing with the now inevitable consequences of global climate change.     

People must change before institutions can: a model addressing the challenge from administering to managing the maltese public service

The Maltese public service is currently undergoing major organisational changes to enhance its efficiency and effectiveness in its service delivery. The great majority of these changes have focussed on re‐organising the macro‐level, namely strategy, processes and structures. This is not an easy feat as local external power forces leave their impact in the process. It is argued, however, that one way to circumvent these resisting forces is to empower the real agents of change: the administrators of the public service. For some reason, the micro‐level has been neglected and has been generally absent from the agenda of the major change programme with a few exceptions. This article throws light on this level by proposing an intrapersonal, psychological and pedagogical model for change that may complement and accompany the larger macro changes. The authors suggest that the model can be developed in a practical way to motivate change from within the person and not just push change around the person. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Election outcomes under different ways to announce preferences: an analysis of the 2015 parliament election in the Austrian federal state of Styria

We use preference data from the 2015 parliament election in the Austrian federal state of Styria to analyze different voting rules. An exit poll right after the election collected data on ordinal and cardinal preferences from approximately 1000 actual voters. Our analysis is threefold. First, we determine the hypothetical social outcomes under different voting rules; second, we investigate the stability of the outcomes under those rules. Finally, we provide a categorization of different types of parties and analyze the impact of certain voting rules (Plurality Rule, Plurality Run Off, Hare System, Condorcet Method, Approval Voting, Borda Rule, Evaluative Voting, and Majority Judgment) on the performances of parties in those scenarios.     

The importance of being genuinely sorry when organizations apologize: how the Australian Wheat Board (AWB Limited) was damaged even further by its response to a corporate scandal

This paper draws on the unique insights offered by the documents tendered to the Royal Commission into the Australian Wheat Board (AWB Limited) to examine the process for drafting an apology within a scandalized organization suffering reputational damage. The Royal Commission received an almost complete set of documents specifying the process by which AWB prepared a public apology, as well as details of the efforts of the company to suppress those documents and the testimony of key personnel not only on the scandal itself but also on how the company responded to the crisis it had caused. The documents tendered to the Australian Government's Royal Commission included the working notes, drafting edits and expert advice from an international crisis communication consultant. AWB initially sought to try and manage the impact of the United Nations Oil‐for‐Food scandal, rather than address the causes of the transgression that would then allow the company to begin the process of restoring trust and rebuilding the damaged reputation. This disingenuous response exacerbated the problems for the company and caused additional damage to its corporate reputation. The insights from the AWB case study provide invaluable guidance for organizations on how to respond effectively to a corporate scandal. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Use of a priori-a posteriori models of change in policy analysis: Applications to simulating the white flight phenomenon

Theory is the foundation of policy studies in the social sciences; its specification via a model is a key element in the selection of appropriate methodologies to study policy. Many policy analysts, due to their professional training and the availability of computer software, sometimes fail to distinguish between theory which is a priori based or theory that is a posteriori based; hence they tend to develop a dependence on one type of methodology in their studies. The purpose of this study is to examine empirically how this important dichotomy might lead to different methods of analysis and to possibly erroneous conclusions. In some cases, the poor selection of research methods severely limits the range of findings and insights available to the policy analyst. The applications of a priori and a posteriori based models to educational policy studies of white flight are presented and the results compared to underscore the importance of recognizing the distinctions between a priori and a posteriori models.     

从自逼机制到他逼机制——政治体制改革取得突破的一条途径

"个性官员"通过建立自逼机制,在激励各级党政领导和整个干部队伍的积极性、主动性和创造性,广泛开展党内外的民主参与,促进地方经济发展与社会和谐稳定诸方面,都走在了前列.但是,在现行体制下,自逼机制难以避免"人走政息"的结局.本文提出,将民主参与的主持者由作为行政执行者的党委和政府改变为政治权力机构的人大和党代会,参与者从受党委和政府邀请的动员性参与改变为依据宪法、党章规定的主动性参与,从而实现自逼机制转化为他逼机制、行政主导体制转化为民主政治体制的质的飞跃.     

International Capital Mobility in an Era of Globalisation: Adding a Political Dimension to the 'Feldstein–Horioka Puzzle'

The debate about the scope of feasible policy-making in an era of globalisation continues to be set within the context of an assumption that national capital markets are now perfectly integrated at the international level. However, the empirical evidence on international capital mobility contradicts such an assumption. As a consequence, a significant puzzle remains. Why is it, in a world in which the observed pattern of capital flows is indicative of a far from globalised reality, that public policy continues to be constructed in line with more extreme variants of the globalisation hypothesis? I attempt to solve this puzzle by arguing that ideas about global capital market integration have an independent causal impact on political outcomes which extends beyond that which can be attributed to the extent of their actual integration.