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陶铸作为党和政府的一位重要领导人,二十世纪五六十年代长期主持中南局和广东省的工作。陶铸十分重视华侨高等教育,曾亲自担任“华侨最高学府”暨南大学筹备委员会主任和在广州重建后的暨南大学首任校长,为暨南大学的重建与发展,为新中国华侨高等教育事业作出了重要贡献。 相似文献
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曹聚仁是20世纪中国著名的作家、学者和记者,二三十年代和抗战胜利后曾两度任教暨南大学长达11年.其中二三十年代任教暨南大学9年的经历是曹聚仁人生历程中浓墨重彩的一笔.本文拟以曹聚仁任教暨南大学时的活动足迹为中心,探讨其与暨南大学的关系. 相似文献
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在20世纪50年代,陶铸领导筹建了新中国第一所华侨高等学府--暨南大学,并亲自兼任该校校长.他提出了暨大新的办学方针和一系列的办学主张,为在新历史条件下办好华侨高等教育,积极进行实践和探索,其办学成就和经验,在华侨教育史上产生了深远影响. 相似文献
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2008年1月4日,新加坡共和国驻广州总领事洪齐全先生应邀访问暨南大学东南亚研究所,并作了题为"新加坡和它的精神"的学术讲座.新加坡驻广州总领事馆是2006年从原新加坡驻厦门总领事馆广州领事办公室正式升格为总领事馆的,洪齐全先生是首任总领事.讲座由东南亚研究所所长曹云华教授主持,这是暨南大学东南亚研究所计划中的外交官论坛系列讲座的第一讲. 相似文献
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文章从广东与泰国经贸关系的基础出发,重点分析粤泰经贸的现状和前景,并介绍了在泰国政治危机和全球金融危机双重条件下粤泰经贸关系进一步发展所面临的挑战. 相似文献
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Hisahiro Kanayama 《Asia-Pacific Review》1995,2(2):183-225
When IIPS Senior Research Fellow Hisahiro Kanayama embarked on this project, he found that information on Vietnam and Myanmar was often biased or insufficient. This article is based on a month‐long factfinding trip to Southeast Asia, where he interviewed analysts in government, international organizations, research institutes, and diplomatic circles. Kanayama notes that Vietnam and Myanmar may become—as part of an enlarged ASEAN—a force ranking fourth in regional political clout after the US, Japan and China. Neither excessive expectations nor indifference to neighbors is an appropriate response from Japan, he states. His research was conducted prior to Myanmar's release of Aung San Suu Kyi. The article has since been updated. 相似文献
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This article explores two models of non-state education provision in Myanmar (Burma), in order to draw conclusions regarding templates for ethnic education regimes in this fast-changing country. Ethnic Armed Groups in Myanmar have developed education systems in the context of long-running armed conflicts. This paper examines two such regimes. Karen communities struggle with few resources to educate their children. Despite great difficulties, the Karen National Union has developed a curriculum based upon one Karen dialect, which is employed in about 1,000 schools. Graduates of this education regime are mostly unable to speak fluent Burmese, or to integrate with the Myanmar tertiary education system; they are orientated towards a Karen national identity, rather than Myanmar citizenship. However, with the beginnings of a substantial peace process, Karen educators will need to re-think their implicitly separatist agenda. A comparative case study is offered by the Mon ethnic minority. The New Mon State Party has had a fragile ceasefire since 1995. Some 270 Mon National Schools provide Mon language instruction at elementary levels, shifting to Burmese at middle school. As the Mon Schools follow the government curriculum, with extra classes in Mon language and history-culture, graduates are able to matriculate and enter the nationwide tertiary education system. We argue that the Mon experience can be a useful model for education reform in a transitional Myanmar, as political and civil society leaders negotiate a more decentralised state. 相似文献
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广东“东盟战略”及其与新马的经贸合作 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
广东在中国与东盟的贸易中占有1/3左右的份额,而对这一领域的最新研究还较少,所以有必要从广东"东盟战略"的角度研究其与东盟的两大贸易合作伙伴新加坡和马来西亚的经贸合作.本文首先分析了近年广东与东盟的经贸关系,并在此基础上探讨了如何解读和践行广东的"东盟战略".接着重点分析了广东与新马经贸合作的表现与原因,探讨这种合作对广东与新马合作的意义.最后,在结论部分提出若干促进广东"东盟战略"和推进其与新马经贸合作的建议. 相似文献