Editor's Introduction

The future of socialism and of the former Soviet Union is the unifying theme of this issue of Russian Politics and Law. Swedish sociologist Per Månson asks whether the historic events of 1989-91 toll the death knell of the entire era of socialism or whether they signify the end merely of the Soviet variant of an otherwise viable ideology. Any answer to this question largely depends on whether the observer regards the former Soviet Union as having been a deformation of "genuine" socialism rather than its very embodiment. Månson believes the USSR was a caricature of real socialism, which, he argues, requires democratic control of the economy, not state control. Although Månson provides an excellent summary of the contradictions of social democracy, he does not explore in depth the posited distinction between "democratic" and "state" control of the economy in a democratic state.     

Editor's Introduction

The regular 22nd Congress of the CPSU held in October 1961 summarized the results of the enormous activities of the Party and the Soviet people. A grandiose plan for the building of communist society in our country was set forth in the Program adopted by the Congress and in the decisions of the Congress.     

Editor's Introduction

Fear is the unifying theme of the articles that follow. Not the strakh about which Anatolii Rybakov wrote, but rather the fear for the future of stability, democracy, and social justice in Russia. But most of our authors conclude either on a hopeful note or with recommendations for action. In the first article ("The Electoral Map of Contemporary Russia"), Vladimir Kolosov and Rostislav Turovskii present the findings of their analysis of voting behavior in Russia's many regions. While not unlocking individual motivations at this level of analysis, they examine the commonplace assertion that the presidential election of June-July 1996 turned on the decline in people's living standards since the overthrow of Communism and the collapse of the Soviet Union. Almost all press commentary has reported, or assumed, that the anti-Yeltsin vote reflected disillusion with a government that has increasingly impoverished most Russians. Conceding that "the political stratification of Russian regions into reformist and oppositional regions has intensified," the authors nevertheless find that poorer regions sometimes supported Yeltsin over the Communist candidate, Gennadii Ziuganov. Thus, for example, Yeltsin carried Ivanovo Oblast despite its having the highest unemployment rate in the country. They find no direct connection between quality of life and voting patterns in the elections. Political criteria, not economic determinism, offer the best explanation for why people voted the way they did.     

Editor's Introduction

The Communist Party of the Soviet Union and its Central Committee are giving a great deal of attention to reinforcement of legality and maintenance of law and order within the country, and to problems of combatting lawbreaking and crime. The proceedings of the 22nd Party Congress, the decisions of the Central Committee plenums and other Party documents contain important guidelines for improving the work of the agencies of the courts and procuracy. The attention given by the Party to these problems is not accidental. Under our conditions, crime is above all a manifestation of vestiges of the past. The struggle against lawbreaking and crime signifies a further strengthening of legality in all aspects of our life.     

Editor's Introduction

International Journal for the Semiotics of Law - Revue internationale de Sémiotique juridique -