"Engendering" environmental projects: the case of eco-timber production in the Solomon Islands

This article discusses the case of timber production in the Solomon Islands and links between environmental protection and gender. Many environmental projects are undertaken without regard for gender roles and relations. The Solomon Western Islands Fair Trade (SWIFT) initiative included women in only a peripheral way. This article justifies the involvement of women in environmental projects and then evaluates the operations of SWIFT. A role for women in local environmental projects should be recognized because of women's roles, knowledge, and interests. Use of natural resources is gender-based. In the Solomon Islands, women are identified as having the greater interest in the long-term sustainability of the environment and greater reliance on natural resources to fulfill their roles, but forestry is men's work. The price of tropical woods has tempted Micronesian governments to exploit forests to enhance their foreign exchange earnings. Environmental degradation from logging is particularly severe in the Solomon Islands. The population fulfills many basic needs from forests. Forests can provide cash earnings. The author conducted an evaluation of effectiveness of SWIFT in 1996. The SWIFT project allows rural people to earn cash from sustainable timber extraction without signing with logging companies. Women are affected by SWIFT due to their husbands' appropriation of their earnings, their peripheral role, and lack of representation in senior positions and use of women's forestry expertise. The article offers a model for genderizing eco-projects. Men need to be encouraged to work more as partners with women.     

Turning down the heat: Influences on conflict management in enduring rivalries

Enduring rivalries represent the most difficult challenges for policy makers seeking to promote international peace and security. Once in place, enduring rivalries account for a disproportionate number of crises, militarized disputes, as well as wars, and include conflicts that are more likely to escalate than those falling in other conflict contexts. Unfortunately, we know very little about conflict management in enduring rivalries from either a theoretical or policy perspective. This study seeks to account for why some rivalries are successfully managed while others persist at high and unabated levels of conflict In addressing these concerns, we explore 35 enduring rivalries over the period 1945–1992. We find that although enduring rivalries are quite resistant to influences that produce changes in their dynamics, both endogenous and contextual influences can exercise a significant impact upon the prospects for conflict management between enduring rivals.     

Unofficial third-party intervention in international conflict: Between legitimacy and disarray

Conclusions The proliferation of unofficial third-party interventions in ethnic conflict is not, to date, based on the demonstrated and enduring value of their achievements. The growing interest in unofficial intervention is not based on clear goals and well-formulated underlying philosophies of the various methods, but more on general assumptions sometimes guided by goodwill and activism. It is quite likely that unofficial intervention in international conflict contributes in various ways toward the resolution of conflict, but, thus far, there is noempirical evidence that the field has contributed or can contribute to the resolution of ethnic conflict.Scholars of unofficial third-party intervention in international conflict should consider a number of basic questions relating to its goals, the appropriateness of the various methodologies, the connection between methods and goals, characteristics and requirements of third parties, and the interplay between official and unofficial interventions. A major effort should be placed on evaluation, notably the development of frameworks that could be used to evaluate the effects of these efforts, whether positive or negative. Special attention should be directed at ethical considerations for intervention by practitioners of unofficial approaches in ongoing conflicts worldwide.In addition, I suggest that practitioners of unofficial intervention focus and elaborate on the theoretical foundations of their methods and thereby explain how the designed intervention is supposed to contribute to conflict resolution. This is particularly important in light of the increasing use of psychiatric methods that focus on intrapersonal and interpersonallevels of analysis and ignore the underlying structural asymmetries, inequities, and inequalities in ethnic and international conflicts.He is also a founding member of the Program on International Conflict Analysis and Resolution (PICAR) based at the Center for International Affairs, Harvard University. He co-chairs the PICAR Seminar on International Conflict Analysis and Resolution.     

Power,ripeness, and intervention in international conflict

Book reviews in this article:
Power, Ripeness, and Intervention in International Conflict William P. Smith     

Evolving norms of protection: China,Libya and the problem of intervention in armed conflict

This article examines the influence of civilian protection norms on China’s response to the 2011 crisis in Libya. It argues that Responsibility to Protect—an emerging norm commonly associated with the Libyan case—did not play a major role in China’s abstention on Resolution 1973 (2011) authorizing international intervention in Libya. For China, Responsibility to Protect is merely a concept and could not serve as the basis for intervention. Instead, Protection of Civilians in Armed Conflict, as a normative foundation for civilian protection endorsed by China, offers a more appropriate lens for understanding China’s vote. Protection of Civilians, however, does not accommodate China’s unprecedented evacuation of Chinese nationals from Libya. This operation proceeded from a third logic of Protection of Nationals Abroad, which poses dilemmas for China’s strict adherence to the principles of sovereignty and non-interference and brings to bear domestic interests and notions of protection.     

Purpose and behaviour: The Cuban missile conflict revisited

Fairly strong theoretical arguments posit that the use of force to achieve foreign policy objectives and the milita’ rization of society are part of a self‐amplifying feedback process. In spite of the rather coherent reasoning linking these two factors, little empirical work has attempted to demonstrate the strength of this postulated relationship. This analysis uses a system of equations to model this hypothesized feedback in the US and British societies during the 20th century. The findings presented below lend tentative support for the hypothesized feedback, though suggests that further verification might be facilitated through refinements in the operational indicators of violent foreign policy. Furthermore, the analysis demonstrates that systemic level variables contribute significantly to the propensity of the US and Great Britain to employ violence as a tool of foreign policy.     

The changing phases of the Niger Delta conflict: implications for conflict escalation and the return of peace

This paper discusses the nature and dynamics of the Niger Delta conflict and traces the structural origin of the conflict to a dysfunctional Nigerian ‘state-nation’ that is a product of colonisation. The paper argues that the conflict is best understood as a process viewed in terms of nests or phases. Building on previous findings on the aetiology of African conflicts and contemporary scholarship on African politics, the paper identifies how different phases of the Niger Delta conflict interact to impel the conflict toward escalation. Consequently, it is argued that both the ‘marginalisation-relative deprivation’ and the ‘political economy of war’ theses have been instrumental in furthering our understanding of the conflict along different lines. However, the tendency for both perspectives to claim superiority over the other has meant that each only offers a partial truth and is therefore unable to explain the increasing intensity and longevity of the Niger Delta conflict. Indeed, it is shown how these theses feed into the discursive struggle between militants, militant entrepreneurs and the Nigerian Government in ways that allow for the commodification of the Niger Delta people. The paper concludes by exploring the implications of the emerging issues for the return of peace in the Niger Delta.     

The anticipation of interstate conflict

This study posits a predictive model of crisis escalation—one of the central concerns in the study of conflict. Crises arise in differing contexts, and these contexts are assessed in terms of their varying propensities to develop into open international conflict. The point of departure is the model first developed in “The War Trap Revisited” (Bueno de Mesquita, 1985). Some extensions are made to his theory, aspects of perception and misperception are incorporated, and a previously discontinuous predictive argument is refined into a continuous one. The extensions are tested empirically using data on European disputes between 1815 and 1965.     

The Syrian-Israeli political impasse: A study in conflict, war and mistrust

In order to understand fully why a Syrian-Israeli peace agreement has yet to be made, it is imperative to be aware of the dimensions of the conflict, war and mistrust that have been at the root of the Syrian-Israeli diplomatic impasse. The apparent inability for Syrians and Israelis to live in peaceful co existence pre dates the 1948 Arab-Israeli war. Mutual animosity certainly increased with the 1967 Israeli occupation and consequent annexation of the Golan Heights. The 1973 Arab-Israeli war, the 1982 conflict in Lebanon and war by proxy after that heightened insecurity on both sides.     

Windows of opportunity for conflict prevention: responding to regional conflict in West Africa1

This article charts the course of regional crisis in West Africa since 1999 and assesses the extent to which the United Nations (UN) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) succeeded in preventing an escalation of crisis in that sub‐region. It argues that although windows of opportunity existed for preventing the escalation of conflict and attention was sometimes paid to warning signs, the UN and ECOWAS had limited success largely because the regional dimensions of the conflicts were not recognized earlier. Additionally, while there has been increased collaboration between the UN and ECOWAS in response to regional crisis, these efforts are hampered by the absence of a systematized base of operations. This paper discusses the experience of the last five years and concludes that ECOWAS has not only become more responsive but has developed an evolving political framework for early action which could be greatly improved with coordinated and targeted support from the UN.     

Empowerment and survival: Humanitarian work in civil conflict

This two-part article explores the experience of living and working for povertyfocused NGOs in a civil war whose roots lay in the chronically inequitable distribution of power and access to resources. Drawing on 12 years' work in Central America, the author reflects on the demands and constraints placed on international aid workers in the context of civil conflict; and on the ways in which relationships with local counterpart organisations and NGOs are affected. Empowerment and participation are examined from the perspective of those who refuse to play the role of war victims. Part Two explores the immediate and longer-term impacts of war and political violence both on those who survive, and on local and international workers who are concerned to address its causes and consequences.     

Fused in combat: Gender relations and armed conflict

Do gender relations change through conflict? How might conflict itself be fuelled by aspects of gender identity? A recently completed research project that combined oral testimony with more conventional research methods concluded that conflict has undoubtedly given women greater responsibilities, and with them the possibility of exerting greater leverage in decision making and increasing their political participation. The research sheds light on the role of ordinary citizens as 'actors' responding to crisis, and describes how gender identities are woven into a complex web of cause and effect in which war can be seen as a 'conflict of patriarchies'.