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The concern of the Party and the state for protection of natural resources, including bodies of water, was emphasized once again at the Twenty-fifth Party Congress. In his Report to the Congress, L. I. Brezhnev, General-Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, commented that today we have well-grounded legal provisions permitting purposeful conduct of the work of environmental protection. These juridical norms include, in particular, those of the decree of the CPSU Central Committee and the USSR Council of Ministers of March 13, 1972, "On Measures to Prevent Pollution of the Volga and Ural Watershed by Untreated Waste Waters," providing a set of measures whose implementation will make it possible by 1980 to totally eliminate pollution of the waters of "Russia's Main Street."  相似文献   

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英国环境保护命令控制与经济激励的综合运用   总被引:8,自引:0,他引:8  
吕晨光  周珂 《法学杂志》2004,25(6):41-44
本文以英国环境保护政策发展历史为模型,分析命令控制系统和经济激励机制各自在环境保护实践中的利弊,提出应该综合发挥二者优势,充分发挥各自的有效性和经济性,在达到污染防治、环境保护的同时,克服外部不经济性。  相似文献   

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The Marine and Coastal Access Act, amongst its other aims, is intended to ‘build on existing access legislation to create a route around the coast of England’ (Foreword to the Draft Marine Bill, HMSO 2008). As such the Act can be seen as a continuation of the access objectives of the Countryside and Rights of Way Act, and possibly as a vindication of the success of the original Act. The broad objectives of access, land management and conservation are present in both pieces of legislation, though it remains to be seen whether the access provisions of the Marine Act will enjoy the same level of funding as those of the CROW Act. This paper investigates the origins of the Marine Act, and in particular the power and influence of tourism, nostalgia and environmentalism on the emergence of this legislation.  相似文献   

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作为环境保护法的一个重要组成部分,英国的野生动植物保护法在最近数十年间得到了迅速发展,其较为集中地反映出伴随着社会的进步,人们思想观念的变化以及民众对于相对弱势的动物的仁慈和关怀。英国动物保护法在其创制和实施的过程中,获得了一些成功的经验,对于我们亦不乏一定的启示意义。  相似文献   

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Bowyer  Richard 《Law and Critique》2019,30(2):117-121

Two major regulatory changes are affecting the provision of undergraduate legal education in England and Wales. On the one hand, the Qualifying Law Degree is being deregulated, meaning law schools are free to make significant changes to how and what they teach. On the other hand, higher education in England has seen a significant overhaul through the creation of the Office for Students, which treats students as consumers. Now more than ever, law schools need to ask themselves existential questions which will not only test their continued relevance or indeed viability within the ‘market’ for higher education, but also the status of the discipline of law as a whole. The regulatory landscape may indeed present a significant threat, but it is also an opportunity to reflect on what law schools are for, and consequently what changes could result from the academic freedom that comes with deregulation. Whilst different law schools will interpret their mission differently, they should caution against either generalised inertia or succumbing to an outcomes-oriented provision that simply prepares students for the new Solicitors Qualifying Examination. Instead, law schools will find their proper purpose in critical reflection and academic self-grounding, providing undergraduate students with a ‘question everything’ mentality, and showing them that law is something to be experienced and not merely learnt.

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Philosophers have had trouble defending the common sense view that it is permissible to impose significant cost on an innocent person who is about to harm you to prevent the harm from occurring. In this paper, I argue that such harm can be justified if one pays attention to the moral significance of imposing a cost on others. The constraint against harming people who give rise to cost by their presence or movements is weaker than the constraint against harming bystanders. Moreover, I argue that people who give rise to cost have a duty to take on some of that cost to help protect the person under threat.  相似文献   

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It is increasingly the case that cultural policy at all levels of governance is expected to address a suite of concerns much broader than those traditionally associated with the arts and creative practice. Indeed, in many nations, including most notably Britain, the concerns of cultural policy now embrace the economic and the social, as well as the cultural. In Britain, this convergence is occurring as part of a broader policy concern to ameliorate social exclusion by providing people with opportunities to participate in the creative economy. Drawing on the findings of a major study of the factors shaping cultural policy internationally, this article identifies and maps the priorities, key intersections, and convergences associated with these priorities in British cultural policy. The article argues that, in spite of taking different forms and having varying emphases depending on the constituency and the level of governance involved, the convergence agenda currently dominating British cultural policy is nevertheless remarkably consistent in terms of the discourses surrounding culture, the remit of the cultural sphere, and strategic policy implementation.  相似文献   

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This article analyses the Article 50 TEU debate and the argument that for the UK Government to trigger the formal withdrawal process without explicit parliamentary authorisation would be unlawful, because it would inevitably result in the removal of rights enjoyed under EU law and the frustration of the purpose of the statutes giving those rights domestic effect. After a brief survey of Article 50, this article argues first of all that the power to trigger Article 50 remains within the prerogative, contesting Robert Craig's argument in this issue that it is now a statutory power. It then suggests a number of arguments as to why the frustration principle may be of only doubtful application in this case, and in doing so it re‐examines one of the key authorities prayed in aid of it ‐ the Fire Brigades Union case.  相似文献   

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This article is concerned with the return of torture and other related abusive conduct to the British counter‐insurgency arsenal following the initiation of military engagements in Afghanistan and Iraq in the early 2000s. It focuses primarily on how judges have engaged with the challenges that this torture and abusive conduct have posed, both in their capacity as judges proper and also as appointees to a range of inquiries that have been initiated in the wake of these actions. The article contrasts the post‐2001 work of judges with that during an earlier episode when such state abuse was also evident, Northern Ireland in the 1970s. Arguing that the judiciary has been drawn into the fray much more heavily than in the 1970s and across a great range of platforms, the article analyses this judicial involvement and posits explanations for it against the backdrop of a changing UK politico‐legal culture.  相似文献   

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