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1.
The ‘coordinate plane of global governance’ developed in this paper describes the trade-off between static gains and dynamic
losses associated with international policy harmonization. A simple model illustrates how potential gains result from producing
positive international spill-overs, whereas potential losses come from restricted systems competition between national policy
regimes. The solution to this model allows identifying the cut-off level between policies suitable for global harmonization
and policies which should better not be centralized. An application of the concept to selected policy fields illustrates its
relevance for decision-making on global governance.
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2.
In this paper, we present a vision for IMF surveillance that seeks to produce a more accountable, transparent, and independent
surveillance process. First, to make surveillance more focused, the IMF’s assessment should be principles-based; that is,
the Fund should assess the overall coherence of exchange rate, monetary, fiscal and financial policies, with a view to analyzing
their effects on external stability. Second, the IMF should have a governance structure that increases incentives to support
candid, transparent assessments of surveillance. In practice, this entails a different role for the Executive Board: the Board
will set out the Fund’s strategic framework for surveillance; the Managing Director and the staff will conduct surveillance.
These reforms clarify the roles and responsibilities of the IMF and its member countries in the surveillance process. Also,
our proposed reforms aim at making surveillance more even-handed and objective. We believe that this principles-based approach
can bolster the credibility and legitimacy of surveillance, giving the Fund greater influence on the economic policies of
members.
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3.
The United Nations Industrial Development Organization’s (UNIDO) portfolio of technical cooperation projects changed radically
between 1992 and 2004. In 1992, industrial-development-related projects constituted 98% of the portfolio in monetary terms,
and environment-related projects 2% while, in 2004, the former constituted 43% and the latter 57%. However, the larger share
of the environment-related projects in 2004 was only marginally, if at all, linked to UNIDO’s industrial development agenda.
A compelling explanation for this radical change in the organization’s technical cooperation portfolio is provided by a model
of strategic choice that draws on resource dependency and institutional approaches and that allows for staff strategic actions.
Two factors, UNIDO’s financial and confidence crisis in the 1990s and an organizational culture wedded to industrial development,
shaped UNIDO’s strategic responses, which, for the most part, did not integrate environmental concerns into industrial development
projects and programs as instructed by its principal governing body.
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4.
In 2005 Indonesian and European institutes joined to start the first step for the implementation of an Ocean Operational System
in the Indonesian archipelago. The system will support the decision making process for the sustainable use of marine resources,
providing useful information and added value products as well as a service for an improved management of the sea with high
business impact to targeted groups as public authorities and commercial operators (coastal managers, fishermen, shipping companies).
In this paper the System is shortly described with its potential benefits and economic and social impacts.
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5.
Recent challenges to traditional international relations theory have questioned the nature of international organizations
(IOs) as agents of powerful state-members and have examined various conduits through which non-state actors can voice their
concerns. Yet little work has focused on participation in IOs when a powerful state’s official position contradicts the goals
of actors within it. This article examines the archival record of American involvement in the League of Nations’ economic
section to explore such a circumstance. I correct the prevailing historical view of American isolationism in the interwar
period and argue that participation by advanced, industrial democracies can better be understood as combinations of exit,
voice, and loyalty on the part of individual components of state and civil societies.
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6.
The analysis of the competitive environment of international organizations has been neglected in scholarly research. Both
the external and the internal type of competition in international organizations are rather weak and their performance is
far from ideal. To strengthen both types of competition, several tentative proposals are advanced. They range from the introduction
of an international competition agency, competition rules, a monitoring institute, voucher systems, matching contributions,
popular participation rights by citizens to the use of prediction markets and institutionalized devil’s advocates. These proposals
are put forward to stimulate discussion and to advance new ideas about the design of international organizations.
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7.
Whilst there is an ever-growing literature on the economic and political aspects of ‘globalization,’ at present there are
few studies analyzing how intergovernmental organizations have reacted to this phenomenon. This article aims to fill this
gap by analyzing the response to globalization of UNESCO, one of the least studied organizations of the UN constellation.
Addressing the global orientation of some of the current programs, this article shows how a recent re-evaluation of scientific
humanism—the main philosophical framework contributing to the creation of UNESCO—has influenced both UNESCO’s self-understanding
and its understanding of globalization. Scientific humanism is a philosophical utopia that couples the advance of scientific
knowledge with the diffusion of a common philosophical framework and promotes a universal system of education in order to
establish a global community. Based on the philosophical appeal of a culture of peace based on science, humanism and human
rights, UNESCO’s representation of globalization represents an intriguing example of how our global future may be conceived
and, to some extent, realized.
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8.
The paper investigates changes in IMF activities using the analytical framework of international public goods. The IMF promotes
international financial stability, whose outputs are joint products with varying degrees of publicness. In recent years, IMF
loans (recipient-specific benefits) have assumed decreased importance, while the Fund’s technical assistance and monitoring
activities have taken on greater importance. As a consequence, the club and purely public outputs (e.g., disseminating best
practices) have grown as a share of IMF activities. Changes in the mix of IMF activities alter the mix of international public
goods and, in so doing, change policy recommendations regarding the role of IMF. The future of IMF is also addressed, especially
in light of increased private capital flows.
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9.
The United States is the largest contributor to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, providing resources
in exchange for voting power in these international financial institutions (IFIs). While the Treasury Department manages the
day-to-day aspects of US participation in these institutions, Congress retains authority on funding. With the aim of understanding
the microincentives of US support for the IFIs, I analyze congressional voting on bills to fund the IFIs. I argue that members
of congress are more likely to support a funding increase (1) the more “liberal” their ideology, (2) the larger the share
of campaign contributions they get from banks that specialize in international lending, and (3) the larger the share of voters
that gain from economic globalization that reside in their districts. Statistical analyses of voting on five IFI funding bills
since 1977 provide support for these arguments.
Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (doi:) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.
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10.
Current IMF reform proposals are preoccupied with changing governance structures by reallocating Executive Board chairs and
quota shares and with expanding and altering the Fund’s surveillance role, but not enough attention has been paid to whether
organizational change at the staff level is also needed. IMF staff have intellectual dominance and discretion in the design
of loan conditionality, writing of surveillance reports, and provision of technical and policy advice. There are also clear
internal and external criticisms of how the Fund’s organizational culture—that is perceived to be hierarchical, technical/economistic,
bureaucratic, and homogeneous/conforming—negatively affects the Fund’s policy output and relationship with borrowing members.
This article suggests altering ’how things are done’ at the IMF by making changes to recruitment and organizational structure.
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11.
Japan positioned itself in a special situation among the aid donor countries. This paper presents the trends in Japanese Official Development Aid policies in the new Millennium, provides an overview and discussion of the characteristics of Japanese ODA, and examines the different views and critiques that have arisen regarding Japan’s development aid policies. The paper’s goal is to highlight and interpret the latest developments and reforms of Japan’s ODA administration and strategies, its strengths and weaknesses, and to understand how ODA is becoming a more strategic, a stronger political, diplomatic and foreign policy tool in the hands of the Japanese government. 相似文献
12.
While Indonesia’s policy of Confrontation towards Malaysia brought it into direct military conflict with Britain, this same event prompted Japan to pursue its first explicit postwar diplomatic initiative. Due to different strategic goals for the region, Britain and Japan’s approaches to Indonesian bellicosity were markedly different. Notably, while Britain took a hard-line stance with President Sukarno, Japan in contrast took a lenient approach eschewing economic and diplomatic isolation of Indonesia. With a latent warming in Anglo–Japanese ties beginning in this decade, this paper demonstrates that despite their antithetical approaches to this Southeast Asian crisis bilateral relations were not adversely affected. 相似文献
13.
A common perception is that China has relied on the expansion of labour-intensive industries and flooded the world market with cheap but low to medium level technology products. Although it has become the third largest exporting nation, China has failed to create a large number of big businesses that can compete with the world’s leading multinational companies (Nolan ( 2004)). The Chinese government has long been aware of the weakness of its development strategy and has been trying to improve its own technological capacity through investments in basic research, innovations and the application of new technologies, utility models and designs. China’s strategy on science and technology can be best described by the so-called ‘walking with two legs’ principle. The first leg is based on building up domestic research and innovative capacity. This is through investments in research institutes, universities and LMEs. China’s second leg has been to build up its technology capacity through its open policy and attracting FDI and technology. China has made significant advances in the following areas regarding science and technology.
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Research and innovative activities have been encouraged and supported by the central and regional governments.
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More research and innovative activities are encouraged in the LMEs.
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HEIs have become increasingly important for research and innovative activities.
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The export-push strategy and encouragement of FDI inflow are two important venues for importing advanced foreign technologies.
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China also has a number of weaknesses in science and technology.
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Research expenditure has not kept up with economic development.
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There are not enough big businesses that are highly innovative and cannot compete effectively with the world’s largest multinational enterprises.
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China is weak in the key industries that are intensive with advanced technologies, computer software, aircraft, automobile and electrical appliances, etc.
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Most of the LMEs are state-owned and are renounced for their inefficiency and loss-making.
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China has greatly depended on foreign technologies for its economic development.
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China’s expenditures on science and technology have been low by international standards and low compared to its fast economic growth.
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China’s economic growth has been heavily dependent on investments and labour and not so much on technological progress and efficiency improvement.
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14.
The Constitutional Treaty, like each set of reforms since the Single European Act, would constitute another incremental increase
in the European Parliament’s powers. But the Parliament did not get everything it wanted. What we do in this paper is investigate
why the European Parliament tends to ‘win’ in some areas but not in others. We consider five possible explanations and test
these theories by looking at the issues the Parliament promoted in the constitutional negotiations and the factors that determined
whether the Parliament was successful or not in a particular area. We find that the Parliament gains power in areas where
the governments delegate new powers to the EU and are uncertain about the consequences of this delegation. We also find that
public support for the Parliament played a role in the extension of the Parliament’s powers in the Constitution.
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15.
The World Bank Group (WBG) is a multilateral organization as well as a large financial conglomerate. The debate on its governance,
however, has mainly focused on how to ensure more inclusive decision-making by strengthening the voice and representation
of its entire membership. The WBG’s governance as a set of arrangements that enable the principal (shareholders) to oversee
the agent (management) has so far been overlooked, even though the adequacy of such arrangements is relevant in all institutions
wherein shareholders delegate to management the achievement of organizational objectives. In reviewing the institutional,
historical, and current underpinnings of the WBG’s decision-making, we elaborate on the extent to which the Group follows
best-practice corporate governance standards that have been designed with the aim of improving shareholders’ oversight. Drawing
from a methodology developed by the IFC, an entity of the WBG, we analyze the Group’s internal governance, highlighting which
aspects are furthest from (or closest to) current financial-sector best practices. In so doing, we provide a framework for
prioritizing the most critical areas in which the WBG’s governance falls short of private-sector standards, and we identify
the nature of possible remedies.
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16.
IMF supported programs have conventionally been assessed by examining their effects on intermediate variables and final outcomes.
More recently greater attention has been paid to their implementation, on the assumption that in order to work programs need
to be implemented. Empirical studies have begun to include political economy variables in an attempt to explain implementation.
They have used the concept of ‘ownership’ to provide a theoretical foundation. This paper provides an alternative and simple
conceptual framework based on the marginal benefits and costs of implementation. It goes on to discuss policies that might
be expected to improve implementation based on this framework.
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17.
Trade interdependence between Europe and Asia has rapidly increased in recent years. Europe–Asia trade flows now constitute
a ‘third link’ in the global economy. As trade expands, however, global trade governance has declined and free trade agreements
(FTAs) have increased. Hence, the Global Europe strategy has been designed to enhance trade relations with emerging Asia which
is the most dynamic region in the global economy today. But Asia’s model of export led growth leaves it more exposed to shocks
emanating from outside the region than ever before raising questions about its sustainability. Deep integration agreements
between Europe and Asia are needed to foster economic growth. They also need a development dimension to help Asian countries
address their key development challenges.
Brigid Gavin was the Research Coordinator of the workshop on ‘ Deep Integration and North–South Free Trade Agreements: EU Strategy for a Global Economy’ which provided the papers and discussion forum for the articles in this special edition. The workshop took place at the
United Nations University-Comparative Regional Integration Studies (UNU-CRIS) centre in Bruges, Belgium on 19–20 June, 2008.
She wishes to express her thanks to Mr Luk Van Langenhove, Director of UNU-CRIS for financial support and to all the authors
and participants in the workshop for their contribution to making this project a real success. A special word of thanks goes
to Lars Nilsson, Chief Economist Unit, DG Trade, European Commission for his opening presentation to the workshop.
Alice Sindzingre is Research Fellow, National Centre for Scientific Research (CNRS), University of Paris and Visiting Lecturer
at School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London. This analysis draws from her paper ‘ The EU Economic Partnership Agreements with Africa’ which she presented at the workshop and available on the UNU-CRIS website.
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18.
This paper analyzes the influence of the European Union (EU) through a qualitative case study of child protection policy in
Romania. This is a particularly tough case for the growing “Europeanization” literature. Prior research has called attention
to several factors that promote Europeanization, including the presence of a pro-reform domestic coalition, the clarity and
consistency of the EU’s own legislative targets, a state’s own prior involvement in the setting of European standards, a strong
consensus among EU member states backing the European position, and strong non-European support for EU initiatives. According
to these propositions, Romanian child protection seemed to provide a worst case scenario for Europeanization, as initially
none of these conditions held. And yet the paper shows that substantial Europeanization occurred anyway. We argue that the
EU experienced a very slow start with Romania but that it cultivated an opposition that responded to EU initiatives when that
opposition took power. Moreover, the EU found three “workarounds” to the obstacles just noted: it asserted legislative targets
it did not possess itself, invented new policy tools, and drew protection for its most controversial policy from another international
organization, the ECHR. Our central theoretical claim is that external pressure requires internal accommodation in order to
have lasting effects. The claim has important implications for the diffusion and conditionality debates.
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19.
Northeast Asia (NEA) is on the international security agenda for a lot of reasons. The historical legacy, territorial disputes,
the region’s growing importance as an economic actor and a trading partner accompanied by increasing defence expenditures
and acquisition of high tech weaponry and the political isolation of a “rogue” North Korea have all contributed to fear that
NEA could open a Pandora’s box of a nuclear arms race. In this paper, I analyse recent strategic trends in Asia and try to
evaluate the main motivations and objectives of a country like North Korea behind Weapons of Mass Destruction proliferation
and the impact of this “nuclear diplomacy” on the evolution of defence policy of major military power like Japan.
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20.
Delegating sovereignty to international organizations (IOs) is both increasingly common and controversial. I address the sources
of current controversies in three claims. First, although alleged otherwise, sovereignty is eminently divisible. From practice,
indivisibility should not be a barrier to delegating to IOs. Second, it is intuitive that longer chains of delegation will
be more likely to fail. Yet, it is not the length of the chain per se that matters as whether identifiable conditions for
successful delegation are satisfied. Third, although “delegation” is often used to refer to both, delegating and pooling sovereignty are distinct activities. Much of the concern with IOs is really about pooling rather than delegating sovereignty.
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