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1.
未来纪委建设的方向——基于党内监督机构的演变规律   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
党内监督机构受腐败形势和反腐败模式影响,权威性和独立性不断提高,运作不断规范。未来将推行新的双重领导体制以提高纪委的独立性,纪委的权威性将得到适度控制,腐败的复杂化将迫使纪委不得不提速自身的能力建设,纪委将更加注重吸纳网络民意,并与社会生态的改变形成良性互动。  相似文献   

2.
海洋保护区在过去十年迅速增长。事实上,封海洋保护区治理的分析显示不同保护区的管理模式和行政模式差异很大。而且为了实现某种目标,他们采取的具体措施也绝然不同,这些状况是由它们的历史、社会和经济环境,以及它们的法律和制度框架决定的。通过法属波利尼西亚莫雷阿海洋保护区的海洋区管理计划的案例,本文提出了一个制度分析方法,这个分析方法描述了海洋保护区的管理特点,同时对这些具体措施进行分析可以封治理质量做出整体评估。  相似文献   

3.
以党内民主的动力助推反腐倡廉建设,必须充分保障党员民主权利,以此激发队伍纯洁的内在活力。保障党员的知情权是推进党内民主的基础,保障党员的参与权和选举权是尊重党员主体地位的标志,保障党员的民主决策权是发挥党员主体作用的关键,保障党员的监督权和罢免权是推进党风廉政建设的现实路径。要加强党内基层的民主建设,提升反腐倡廉的创新动力。积极探索农村基层党内民主和"两新"组织党内基层民主的多种实现形式,推进基层社区党内民主的创新。  相似文献   

4.
“开放”逐渐成为我国大学追求的重要目标,但我国大学所处的特殊内外环境,决定了我国大学在开放过程中出现的特殊问题,如大学的国际开放与民族化、大学开放的基础与形式、大学的自主权与大学开放以及大学管理的社会参与等。本文就以上问题进行一些思考。  相似文献   

5.
Research on food insecurity has investigated urban environments at the neighborhood and city level but neglected the importance of college institutions. Community colleges, which serve a larger population of low‐income, food insecure, and minority students than 4‐year institutions, have been especially neglected. In this mixed methods study, we examined how 50 low‐income minority students in an urban community college access food on campus and how the features of their college foodscape shape their food insecurity. We also investigated how students' ability to access food on campus shaped their perceptions of the college institution and their academic endeavors. Our survey findings reveal high levels of food insecurity among our participants. Students' written narratives demonstrate their desire for more appealing and affordable food on campus and reveal their distrust of the college institution. Furthermore, students connect their food insecurity to their ability to concentrate on academic tasks. Thus, the accessibility of food on campus appears to affect students' perceptions of their community college institution and has implications for their emotional and academic development. Our work suggests that both researchers and college institutions must examine the inadvertent signals that institutions send to food insecure students through their food policies.  相似文献   

6.
"This study analyzes the importance of children in the care of elderly populations in rural communities [in Mexico].... In particular, the perception of elders about the value of their children is analyzed, especially the role children play in their economic contribution to the household or their instrumental value to it at different stages of their lives.... With respect [to] the condition in which children support their parents in their old age the economic assistance given was studied too. Finally, the preference regarding family size of those 60 years or older [is] given, as well as the view points of women on the need to control fertility and reduce family size. Three different types of cost are studied: the economic cost of supporting and caring for children, the emotional cost of their upbringing and the health cost of multiple pregnancies and births." (SUMMARY IN ENG)  相似文献   

7.
Not all citizens’ voices are heard with equal strength in the political chorus. Based on studies of policy feedback, we suggest that engaging underrepresented citizens in the production of public services (i.e., making them “coproducers”) increases their political voice. We use a field experiment to test the effect of involving ethnic minorities in the education of their children on their propensity to directly voice their preferences with the education policy through government citizen surveys and their tendency to vote in elections. Among these normally underrepresented citizens, coproduction increased their propensity to voice their preferences to politicians through citizen surveys but not their tendency to vote. The effect on voicing in government citizen surveys tends to be larger among nonvoters. The results indicate how policies involving underrepresented citizens can raise the voices of people who would not otherwise be heard.  相似文献   

8.
For the first time, largely owing to the Socialists' ability to gain and retain the allegiance of the electorate, France has experienced a major electoral realignment without a concomitant change in governmental system. The Socialists' success results from three major factors: their pre‐1981 electoral strategy which involved refashioning their traditional ideology and rhetoric to appeal to a new, emerging portion of the electorate, the wage‐earners; their subsequent ideological flexibility, which included a move toward more pragmatic politics along with an opening to the centre; and the failure of their rivals on the moderate and the extreme right to mount a lasting challenge with their own counter‐ideologies and policy initiatives.  相似文献   

9.
The viability of local government‐sponsored community development of poor ethnic enclaves hinges on the perceptions of residents. If residents view the enclave in which they live as their “community of choice,” they will be more likely to join with local government to coproduce community improvement. Residents who see their enclave as their community of choice tend to hold positive perceptions of neighbors and neighborhood and are less fearful of crime. Conversely, those who see the enclave where they live as a “ghetto of last resort” commonly are not meeting their economic expectations, are uneasy about race related issues, and are concerned about the desirability of their neighborhood. Government should not employ a community development strategy to preserve a “ghetto of last resort” where most residents remain because they feel they have few options. The vast majority of the residents examined here view the enclave where they live as their community of choice.  相似文献   

10.
网络的开放性使得网民表达的自由程度前所未有的伸张,引发了网民对于网络的热情,这种热情促进了网络的发展,但网络的健康发展,不仅需要网民的热情,更需要网民能担负起责任,具备恰如其分的判断力,正确履行网络赋予的自主表达权力,使互联网成为网民共建共享的精神家园。  相似文献   

11.
通过对2008~2010年两个地级市人民法院判决的530名低级别不法公职人员的犯罪情况实地调查和数据分析,发现了低级别公职人员处置非法资产的主要方式分别是消费、投资、存入银行,即通常会选择简单、低层次、大众化的处置方式。采用这些处置方式主要有三个原因,一是交际圈层次低,二是利益相关人少,三是自身掩盖手段和能力不足。针对低级别公职人员非法资产处置的特点,要采取相应的措施进行监控:防范的重点应集中在简单、低层次的资产处理上,特别是境内的消费和投资;要发挥基层群众的监督作用,重视群众举报与上访的问题;要从内部的管理制度着手防范,规范办事流程,增强管理的透明度。  相似文献   

12.
董文江 《学理论》2012,(1):45-47
柏拉图与亚里士多德作为古希腊时期著名的思想家和政治家,二人的政治思想对后世产生了深远的影响。他们二人虽然是师徒关系,但是由于两人在思想来源、历史思维和政治思维等方面存在差异,使得两位大师在政治领域内的观点产生了诸多分歧。通过两方面的比较来说明二人政治思想的不同。主要目的是通过对二人政治思想的比较,来回顾二人在希腊哲学史上的重要地位,来了解当时希腊社会主流的政治思想,以此来说明时至今日,二人的政治思想和哲学的思辨精神依然具有重要的历史意义。  相似文献   

13.
Has the mandated reporting of key performance indicators (KPIs) by public agencies to public accountability or reporting authorities in Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore helped these authorities in their task to hold the agencies to account? This article argues that the sheer existence of KPIs in public agencies' annual reports and budget papers does not automatically lead to their effective use by the authorities for making decisions about the agencies' performance achievements. The utilization of KPIs for making decisions by the participating authorities in these countries could be best described as careful and cautious because of their perceptions that the KPIs have failed to meet their performance information needs. Since the implementation of a performance measurement and reporting system has been linked to both instrumental and symbolic benefits, perhaps the main value of the current systems lies less with their ability to bring about instrumental benefits to reporting authorities and other stakeholders. Instead, their primary strength may be skewed towards their capacity to accrue symbolic benefits for the government. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

14.
This paper employs theories of structural politics and delegation to develop a set of propositions about the legislative delegation of authority to quasi-governmental entities, known as "quangos." Legislators have incentives to condition their choice of structure for an organization charged with implementing policy on their own political attitudes toward "good government." The quasi-independence of quangos provides credibility for legislators to commit to a process that takes policy making out of their hands while creating a structure that increases the likelihood of achieving their policy goals. Theoretical implications are empirically examined using data on the financial autonomy of Dutch public bodies. The results support the argument that it is important to consider politicians' ideologies directly in governance studies because they form the key component of structural politics.  相似文献   

15.
ABSTRACT

Previous scholarship has investigated why legislatures sometimes choose to delegate policy choice to executive agencies, but there is little research on the consequences of the choice to delegate or not. Using a multiple principal-agent framework, this paper provides empirical evidence regarding the impact of legislative delegation and agency discretion on the work of U.S. government employees. Findings suggest that delegation directly reduces employee discretion only in client service agencies; its direct effects on employee productivity are more evident but varied. Legislative delegation is also associated with more executive political appointees, whose presence reduces both employee discretion and productivity. Whether employees with more discretion are more productive than those with less depends on their commitment to the job: employees who like their work more than their pay use their discretion to enhance productivity, while employees who like their pay more than their work use their discretion to reduce productivity.  相似文献   

16.
This article reviews the recent Italian debate on possible constitutional and institutional reforms aimed at improving governmental decision‐making capacity. In the first section, the post‐war institutional developments are briefly discussed to show how the present problems have emerged. Various reform proposals affecting the electoral system, Parliament and government are then analysed, together with the political pre‐conditions and consequences linked to their possible adoption. With reference to these political considerations, the various kinds of reform are evaluated in terms of their capacity to achieve their goals and of their acceptability to the political parties.  相似文献   

17.
Budget practitioners may have difficulty in defining a common academic ground for preparation for their careers sufficient to permit calling themselves professionals. Nevertheless, senior budget persons share common concerns, including significant changes in their relationships to the political officials of their agencies. These changes may be the result of the transition from incremental budgeting in a time of plenty to a time of scarcity and intense competition for resources.  相似文献   

18.
本文从年轻人愿意当混混的主要原因、主要活动场域、使用暴力的方式、组织化程度、与村庄政治的关系等几个方面入手,考察了混混自1980年代初在乡村社会重新出现到当下这个时间段内所发生的历史转向。  相似文献   

19.
What organisational factor has the most significant impact on the management of water utilities? This article seeks the views of middle managers in several water utilities across four Australian states to address this question. It also examines their views of leadership in their organisation. It draws upon Bass's full‐range leadership theory to examine their views on three models of leadership: transactional leadership, transformational leadership, and a combination of both transactional and transformational leadership. The respondents identify leadership as the most critical enabling factor for the effective management of water utilities. They believe that effective leadership requires a mix of transactional and transformational leadership skills. They state that their supervisor's leadership skills are below their expectation of an effective leader. These leadership issues are discussed in the article.  相似文献   

20.
Abstract

Constructivist contributions to the study of Southeast Asian security raise much-needed awareness of identity concerns and introduce conceptual and methodological innovations into the study of identity. However, their shared rationalist proclivity to couple subjectivity with sovereignty revives the enduring problem of treating agency as ultimately pre-given. Contrary to their professed aim to restore to security studies an appreciation for history and practice, the contributions of many Southeast Asia constructivists are quite tellingly essentialist, particularly their concessions to state-centrism and ideational/normative determinism, both due partly to an uncritical emulation of rationalist constructivist perspectives in International Relations (IR) theory. In granting ontological priority to states, Southeast Asia constructivists cannot fully transcend reification because their denaturalizing of international anarchy or regions comes at the expense of a reified state. In reifying either the state or ideas/norms, their claim to privilege practice in their analyses of Southeast Asian security becomes suspect. But if process and practice are to be taken seriously, then Southeast Asia constructivists must avoid presuming a preordained subjectivity that invalidates their claim to study social construction.  相似文献   

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