China Perceives America: Perspectives of international relations experts

This article seeks to examine Chinese analysts' perceptions of America, particularly their views on US China policy. It intends to explore how that issue has evolved over time, what progress has been made, what factors have shaped it, what principal impediments have existed, and what the prospects are for future management. Focusing on the period from the mid-1990s to the present, the study finds that there remains a perceptual gap in US-China relations today, though Chinese understanding of America continues to improve. Specifically, there seems to be a lessened diversity of opinions and an emerging consensus on the hegemonic nature of US foreign policy, particularly its intention of containing a rising China--though its dual strategy of containment and engagement continues to exist. More importantly, many Chinese analysts remain highly critical and negative. Thus, American external behavior worldwide would always be viewed with a great deal of suspicion.     

International Political Economy from a Chinese Angle

In the 1990s, international political economy (IPE) as a set of concepts to interpret the current and future world system caught on quickly among Chinese scholars and policy analysts. Recent events (the Asian financial crisis and the US role, WTO negotiations, US‐Japan trade disputes) combined with China's historical experience (imperialism, war, revolution) and aspirations (to be a regional power) have given IPE specialists a different perspective on and language for the issues and events of today's global political economy. Zhu Wenli highlights the divergence between US and PRC views and interpretations on concepts of hegemony (the role of the US in a unipolar system), globalization, development models, and economic security, arguing that understanding this theoretical gap helps us to understand the current policy gap. She concludes with a reference to the limited role that international relations concepts and ideas play in the formation of foreign policy.     

Discussion of 'International Political Economy from a Chinese Angle'

According to Zhu Wenli, Chinese scholars of political economy have been examining many of the same issues as their American counterparts, but have reached quite different conclusions. Chinese scholars accept the importance of globalization, but do not believe that globalization is making the nation-state less relevant or international regimes more powerful. They concede that economic and other transnational issues are becoming increasingly salient in international affairs, but conclude that they are simply altering the ways in which nations compete for power rather than making the international system more cooperative. They agree that much of today's world order is rooted in American hegemony, but do not consider that US foreign policy can be characterized as 'benign'. These conclusions have troubling implications for US‐China relations. They suggest that China will not agree to be integrated into an international community led by the United States, and that the relationship between Beijing and Washington is more likely to be competitive than cooperative.     

Information warfare across the Taiwan strait

Many security analysts believe advances in information technologies are producing changes in economy, government, and society that make information warfare an important aspect of the conflict between China and Taiwan. This study introduces the concept of information warfare and finds that Chinese and, to a lesser extent, Taiwanese strategists have developed distinctive approaches to it. Despite limited technological resources and a reputation for political constraints on innovation, China made early efforts to adopt technologies, organizational forms, and strategies to facilitate information warfare. In the event of war, Beijing hopes to disrupt advanced Taiwanese and American network-dependent economies, governments, and militaries while protecting access to the more limited information it requires. Taiwan is building information warfare capabilities by drawing on both its advanced information technology firms and US assistance. American policymakers should take steps to prevent the emergence of information warfare in the context of the cross-strait rivalry from undermining deterrence and crisis stability.     

Discussion of 'US Global Strategy in the Post-Cold War Era'

This response to Jin Canrong's paper about US post-Cold War global strategy focuses on the concerns of both authors that the current 'three pillars strategy' is a source of growing tension in PRC‐US relations, leading to Chinese perceptions that ideological factors (US idealism) are playing a bigger role in US policymaking. Despite this, Jannuzi searches for common ground, focusing on issues areas, such as Cambodia, where China has found US idealism to be useful and helpful. He argues also that, as China joins more international treaties and regimes, Chinese and American interests will start to converge, although he concedes that the Kosovo intervention has caused ambivalence in China about unrestrained US 'idealism'.     

China's Strengthened New Order and the Role of Propaganda

The issue of whether or not the current regime in China is sustainable is one of the key questions of interest to specialists on Chinese politics today. The authors of this paper contend that the CCP government has actually strengthened its hold on power in recent years, rather than weakening it, as so many analysts predicted. The paper uses CCP propaganda work in the current era as a lens to consider why this might be so and utilizes the term ‘Popular Authoritarianism’ to describe China's new political order.     

The Tibet Problem in the Milieu of a Rising China: findings from a survey on Americans' attitudes toward China

The Lhasa riots in 2008 re-captured the world's attention on the Tibet problem. As China continues to grow as a rising power, it raises a concern over whether the perception of a rising China will affect how American people think about the Tibet problem. In this article, the authors apply public opinion data to evaluate this question. The results show that the perception of China's hard power or soft power has little influence on Americans' view of the Tibet problem, while factors of political values and China's policy stance matter greatly. Our findings suggest that the huge difference in political values between the PRC and the US makes it tough for both sides to agree on a resolution to the Tibet problem. In the long term, China needs to improve its human rights record and present itself as a responsible great power to win over the hearts of foreign publics rather than conduct a public relations campaign according to its own imagination.     

Revolution and Reform: the role of ideology and hegemony in Chinese politics

This paper aims to further an understanding of Chinese politics through a focus on ideology and hegemony. Drawing on the writings of Antonio Gramsci and Henri Lefebvre, the paper examines the nature of ideological domination held by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and generates three implications. First, Gramsci's theory of hegemony can be applied more broadly to build a socialist regime, particularly in China where the party of the proletariat and its allies have been in a quandary over how to consolidate its ruling position after capturing political power. Second, the party needs to incorporate mass consciousness into the battlefield of politics so as to attain or maintain its hegemony. Third, the ideologies of revolution and reform are formulated to embed the CCP's beliefs into people's consciousness and to acquire consensus which is essential for the CCP's hegemony in China.     

BRI Supports Sustainable Development

RECENTLY,media commentary emerging from European countries suggested that the COVID-19 pandemic has caused a sharp reduction of Chinese investment in economies participat-ing in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Some people continue to express concern over a per-ceived debt issue,while others have sought to highlight that coal-fired power plants are being built under the BRI framework. To be sure,there are others who have taken cogni-zance of the new economic development opportunities that the BRI would present now as well as in the future,once the dust of the pandemic settles. A dispassionate overview of the topic,therefore,would be necessary to gain a proper perspective.     

The impact and clash of ideologies: Sino‐US relations from a historical perspective

Sino‐US relations over the last 100 years have been heavily affected by the ideological and cultural traditions of both sides; but the impact of ideas on each other has by no means been an even interaction. At the turn of the century when China and the US encountered each other, their destinies took opposite trajectories. While the US saw its dream of national greatness fulfilled with the continuous rise of its national power, China witnessed the sharp downfall from the peak of its self‐perception as the great central kingdom. Ever since then, all progressive intellectuals and reformers took inspiration from western ideas of democracy and freedom, while struggling at the same time against oppression and exploitation by western powers. These two aspects constitute the basic aspirations of the Chinese nation as a whole, which was summed up as ‘anti‐feudalism and anti‐imperialism’. One of the basic urges of Americans of all sorts in dealing with China throughout the years was to influence, educate and change China to its like. However, in front of Chinese revolutionary movments with democratic rights as part of their aims, the US government policies more than often favored the conservative or reactionary rulers. Meanwhile, the development of China takes its own course beyond the control of the US. Yet, under different circumstances, neither side could help placing hopes on the other. As for rulers of different Chinese adminstrations, they wavered between seeking American support in China's economic development and diplomacy on the one hand, and fear and resentment of American cultural influence on the other. Anti‐communism entered the US foreign policy thinking ever since the Russian Revolution. But US relations with the Chinese Communist Party have not been hostile all the way through but have undergone twists and turns. The period of best relationship between the US and the PRC took place in the 1980s and underwent a sharp turn after the events of 1989. Leaving aside other factors, the age‐long cultural paradigm of unrealistic hopes on each other, hence drastic disappointment, played a certain role. At present, The mentality of the bulk of Chinese including young students have also undergone a great change from the pre‐1989 period. The admiration for the US has receded and a certain degree of resentment of American pressure on China is on the rise. The pursuit of a strong and prosperous China remains the common and deep‐rooted national aspiration prevailing among Chinese of all ages and social strata and in this they identify themselves more with the government vs. foreign pressure, whatever their views on other subjects. The ideological aspect of difficulties in Sino‐US relations is not likely to go away in the foreseeable future and much wisdom is needed to handle it properly.     

From Financial Assets to Financial Statecraft: the case of China and emerging economies of Africa and Latin America

Over the past few decades, China has accumulated over US$3.4 trillion of official foreign exchange reserves as it rises to become a global power. Do China's financial assets increase its ability to pursue its national interests internationally? With the globalisation and rising influence of Chinese state-owned enterprises, state-owned banks and sovereign wealth fund, as well as China's growing clout in several regional groupings, it is clear that China does possess the necessary mechanisms to assert its financial power. This article examines the efficacy and limitations of these mechanisms in Africa and Latin America, in the economic and political domains. In the economic domain, China has consistently used foreign oil contracts and acquisitions to secure direct oil flow from developing nations. An analysis of recent cases shows that while China is able to successfully harness its financial power in its pursuit of oil, it needs to fulfil its promises to the satisfaction of the recipient countries in order to maintain the value of its offers. In the political domain, China has used its financial assets to purchase diplomatic allegiance from various African and Latin American countries in support of its One-China policy. Studying both successful and unsuccessful cases reveals that while China is generally able to use its financial power in third-world countries against Taiwan successfully, its national goals have, in recent years, shifted to the economic realm, even with countries that still recognise the Taipei government.     

The Taiwan strait crisis of 1996: Implications for US security policy

The Taiwan Strait crisis of 1996 was the greatest challenge to Sino‐American relations in several decades. This study examines the crisis and its implications for US security policy. It outlines US policy toward the defense of Taiwan, discusses the US response to Beijing's military intimidation of Taiwan and analyzes several of the major lessons gleaned from the crisis. The paper suggests that, while China's aggressive behavior should not lead to a dramatic shift in the American position toward Taiwan's defense, some modest adjustments in policy may be warranted.     

美国民众对军售台湾支持率的影响因素研究——基于美国人对华态度实证调研

美国对外政策的制定通常需要有民意基础,然而现有研究鲜有从美国民众的视角探究美国对台军售。本文基于美国人对华态度实证调研的数据,利用单因子试验法测试美国民众在“中美关系”和“对台军售”间的权衡,并采用logistic模型来检查影响美国民众对台军售支持率的主要因素。结果表明即使对台军售会严重恶化或危害中美关系,58％的美国民众依然支持美国对台军售。政治倾向（温和派）、媒体和信息渠道（收听广播和浏览网络频率）、个人因素（性别、年龄）等是影响美国民众对台军售支持率的主要因素。终止美国对台军售,我国一方面需要有更加强有力的反制措施,另一方面可以尝试通过长期规划的网络传播手段来扭转美国民众对对台军售的支持。     

Frustrations and Hopes: An American perspective on United States‐China relations

China is important to Americans but the United States is critical to China. Engagement has enhanced mutual understanding, but the asymmetry of the relationship often causes the Chinese to view American policy with suspicion and Americans to be insensitive to Chinese concerns. The Chinese seldom acknowledge that their own actions and statements shape American perceptions and policies; Americans often overestimate their ability to change China in specific ways while underestimating the cumulative benefits to the US of sustained engagement.     

The US Global Strategy in the Post-Cold War Era and Its Implications for China‐United States Relations: A Chinese perspective

At the early stage of the post-Cold War era, Chinese scholars put more attention into the study of US international standing than to the study of US global strategy. Around the middle of the 1990s, it became obvious for Chinese scholars that the power structure in the post-Cold War era was 'yi-chao-duo-qiang' (one super-power and several big powers). People realized that the leading position of the US would be unshakable and its comprehensive national power would be unparalleled by any single country in the foreseeable future. Since then, Chinese scholars have paid more attention to the study of US global strategy. Chinese scholars tend to agree that the Bush Administration's strategy was a transitional one, and that the US global strategy in the post-Cold War era came into being in the middle of President Clinton's first term. It is symbolized by the appearance of so-called 'engagement and enlargement strategy'. At the very beginning of his Administration (January 1993), President Clinton set forth that 'economy, security and democracy' would be the three pillars of US foreign policy. This greatly changed the traditional 'security first' strategy. The new strategy reflects some new features in the international and domestic contexts of the post-Cold War era. It has very important influences on Sino‐US relations.     

中国梦研究综述

近年来"中国梦"已成为学术界研究的热点问题。当前国内学界对"中国梦"的内涵、特征、关于中国梦与美国梦、欧洲梦、非洲梦的关系、关于中国梦的实现等进行了研究,并取得了诸多成果。但是在"中国梦"基础理论研究方面需进一步加强,在实践层面的研究成果较少。"中国梦"彰显了中国道路、中国精神、中国力量,凸显了中国特色、民族特色和时代精神。加强"中国梦"的研究有利于推进马克思主义大众化。     

Images of China in the American Print Media: A survey from 2000 to 2002

American society's images and perceptions of China have had several recurring themes over the years. In the past, some of these have included the perception of China as a potential market for American goods and as a potential supply of converts for American missionaries. These images changed during the years of diplomatic isolation of the Cold War, turning the Chinese into a vast horde of 'reds', a faceless, invincible mass that threatened all of Asia. In the post-Cold War world, Sino-US relations face an uncertain future. The time is not far off when there will again be two superpowers, and there is the potential for conflict between them. In this new era, it is interesting to examine what images of China have emerged in contemporary American society. The goal of this paper is to do just that. By examining articles about China in four major American daily newspapers, over a three-year period, a rough sketch emerges of how China is perceived to the 'average' reader of these four publications. These images, while interesting in their own right, also provide a valuable benchmark for the direction of Sino-US relations. Overall, it seems that, just as in past periods of rivalry, negative images of China overwhelm the positive. But, before we can conclude that the current relationship is also one of competition, there are also some significant images of a country whose future lies entwined with the US in a partnership, not a battle. If we can take the articles of this study as a representative slice of American society at large, the general trend seems to be one in which, although China is sometimes viewed in a harsh and critical light, there is still hope for the two countries to come together--or even for China to become more like the United States.     

对美国“弃台论”相关争论的观察及美国对台政策走向分析

2008年马英九上台以来,两岸关系步入和平发展时期.美国政府官员和政策专家对在此时期美国对台政策是否应当调整发表了不同的看法,其中“弃台论”声音的出现,引起了美国官方和学界的高度关注和激烈争论.“弃台论”在美国国内产生了重要的影响,但从现实来看,“弃台论”尚未进入决策层面.当前美国对台政策并未发生结构性变化,美国并没有放弃对台湾的影响力.未来美国对台政策呈现出总体框架维持不变、局部修正的态势.     

中美政府人事管理价值的历史演进与比较分析

价值的进路是深入到政府人事管理内核的必由之路。美国政府人事管理价值的历史演进体现了政治回应、道德主义、效率、个人权利、专业的职业化、社会公平等价值,其发展趋势是维护传统理念、加强管理弹性和以结果为本。中国政府人事管理价值的历史演进体现了宗族主义、政治回应、道德主义、公平竞争、分权等价值,其发展趋势主要是法治主义、效率和分权。美国和中国在政府人事管理价值历史演进和发展趋势上呈现了许多共同点和差异。     

China's Diplomacy Promotes a Human Community with a Shared Future

THIS year China celebrates the centenary anni-versary of the founding of the Communist Party of China (CPC).Leading up to the commemora-tion,many international analysts have already started to debate Chinas new foreign policy and its impact on the international order.This debate has two motivating factors.The first and most important is the prediction that the Chinese economy will surpass the American economy before 2030.The other factor is the role of Chinese diplomacy in combating the pandemic,through which China has helped more than 100 coun-tries in COVID-19 prevention,control,and vaccination,in contrast to the U.S'.lackluster responses to the pan-demic.This is not a discussion about the world's lead-ership profiles but a global governance model for the