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Autocrats depend on a capable secret police. Anecdotal evidence, however, often characterizes agents as surprisingly mediocre in skill and intellect. To explain this puzzle, this article focuses on the career incentives underachieving individuals face in the regular security apparatus. Low-performing officials in hierarchical organizations have little chance of being promoted or filling lucrative positions. To salvage their careers, these officials are willing to undertake burdensome secret police work. Using data on all 4,287 officers who served in autocratic Argentina (1975–83), we study biographic differences between secret police agents and the entire recruitment pool. We find that low-achieving officers were stuck within the regime hierarchy, threatened with discharge, and thus more likely to join the secret police for future benefits. The study demonstrates how state bureaucracies breed mundane career concerns that produce willing enforcers and cement violent regimes. This has implications for the understanding of autocratic consolidation and democratic breakdown. 相似文献
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Ihwan Susila Raja Nerina Raja Yusof Anton Agus Setyawan Farid Wajdi 《Journal of Political Marketing》2020,19(1-2):153-175
Communication in political marketing plays an important role in political mobilization, building trust both in political actors and the government. Politicians construct their messages through careful branding as the power of the cultural symbols and signs conveyed through the brand are potent heuristic devices. This is particularly important in emerging democracies, where there is limited political knowledge and understanding. Therefore, this research explores how young voters understand the symbolic communication fashioned by political actors in Indonesia and how it relates to their brand. Indonesia is an interesting area for study; it is both secular and the world’s largest Muslim democracy. Using a phenomenological approach, a total of 19 in-depth interviews with young voters were conducted to gain rich insight into perceptions of the complexity of political symbolism, and trust among young voters. This study conceptualized political communication as a dual approach. The political brand promise is intrinsically linked to cultural references and conveyed through symbolic communication combined with a distinctive brand message. This builds trust, which then affects political participation. This conceptual framework provides insights into the importance of culture in branding which has implications for policy makers and actors in emerging and established democracies. 相似文献
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Cherni L Pereira L Goios A Loueslati BY Khodjet el Khil H Gomes I Gusmão L Alves C Slama A Amorim A Elgaaied AB 《Forensic science international》2005,152(1):95-99
The 11 Y-chromosomal short tandem repeats (STRs) included in the Promega Corporation PowerPlex Y System (DYS19, DYS389I, DYS389II, DYS390, DYS391, DYS392, DYS393, DYS385, DYS437, DYS438 and DYS439) were typed in three ethnic groups ("Andalusians", Berber and Arab) and one cosmopolitan population (Tunis) from Tunisia, summing up 247 individuals, and 139 different haplotypes. Focusing the analysis on the seven Y-STRs of the YHRD Minimal Haplotype Core (DYS385 excepted), "Andalusians" showed no differences from the Cosmopolitan and the Arab samples previously published (our Arab sample presented an extremely low haplotype diversity), but were different from the Berbers. The Berbers from Tunisia were not different from those from Morocco. 相似文献
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H el Khafief 《The American journal of forensic medicine and pathology》1991,12(3):187-190
Dubai is one of the small countries of the United Arab Emirates located on the shores of the Persian Gulf in the Middle East. This report deals with two deaths: one an unusual method of suicide by hanging and the other, a death under investigation into whether it was accidental or suicidal. 相似文献
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International Journal for the Semiotics of Law - Revue internationale de Sémiotique juridique - Barcelona has become one of the most touristic cities in the world, with more than 18 million... 相似文献
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Juicios. Sobre La Elaboracin Del Genocidio II. By Daniel Feierstein. Buenos Aires: Fondo De Cultura Econmica, 2015.
Shifting Legal Visions. Judicial Change and Human Rights Trials in Latin America. By Ezequiel A. González‐Ocantos. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016. 下载免费PDF全文
Farid Samir Benavides Vanegas 《Law & society review》2018,52(1):286-289
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Farid Laroussi 《Canadian journal of African studies》2013,47(1):53-63
This article contends that French language is both the perfect tool for the expression of one’s own identity and the instrument of knowledge that has shut down all possible other ones in Algeria. The works of Rachid Boudjedra (1969) and Yacine Kateb (1966) illustrate the highly ideological dimension of Algerian literature. By debunking the very idea of French literature, their novels fight back the concept of cultural imperialism. Yet, I think that the conflict between ideology and literature did not appear recently, after the colonial wars of independence, but was already underlined at the birth of French language as a national idiom in the writings of an author such as François Rabelais. 相似文献
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Farid Hafez 《Patterns of Prejudice》2014,48(5):479-499
ABSTRACTIn recent years, Islamophobia has become a useful tool for right-wing parties to mobilize electors in many European nation-states. The general xenophobic campaigns of the 1980s have given way to Islamophobia as a specific expression of racism. It is not only the new incarnations of right-wing populist parties that are making use of Islamophobic populism, but also right-wing extremist parties, whose traditions hark back to fascist or Nazi parties. This development appears unsurprising, as Islamophobia has somehow become a kind of ‘accepted racism’, found not only on the margins of European societies but also at the centre. Another interesting concomitant shift is the attempt by such parties to gain wider acceptance in mainstream societies by distancing themselves from a former antisemitic profile. While the main focus on an exclusive identity politics in the frame of nation-states previously divided the far right and complicated transnational cooperation, a shared Islamophobia has the potential to be a common ground for strengthening the transnational links of right-wing parties. This shift from antisemitism to Islamophobia goes beyond European borders and enables Europe's far right to connect to Israeli parties and the far right in the United States. Hafez's article explores this thesis by analysing the European Alliance for Freedom, a pan-European alliance of far-right members of the European parliament that has brought various formerly antagonistic parties together through a common anti-Muslim programme, and is trying to become a formal European parliamentary fraction in the wake of its victory in the European elections in May 2014. 相似文献