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This study examined crime and violence against abortion clinics, testing elements of several theories that may help explain the variation of such attacks. The study theoretically and methodologically improved upon the prior research on abortion-related crime and violence. Theoretically, it investigated previously unexamined hypotheses from the social movement literature that may be relevant to this type of behavior. Methodologically, it used more careful measures for several variables, employed unique and heretofore ignored data bases, and examined hundreds of criminal acts across several types of crime (e.g., violence, vandalism, and harassment) directed at abortion clinics. Employing robust logistic regression and correcting for clustering of clinics by state, the study investigated the cross-sectional effects of state-level cultural and structural characteristics on anti-abortion crimes against clinics and staff. Results indicated that some crimes against clinics are more likely in areas where female empowerment is weaker, female victimization is more tolerated, and the anti-abortion movement has failed to reduce abortions. 相似文献
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In May 2005, the World Health Organization adopted the new InternationalHealth Regulations (IHR), which constitute one of the most radicaland far-reaching changes to international law on public healthsince the beginning of international health co-operation inthe mid-nineteenth century. This article comprehensively analysesthe new IHR by examining the history of international law oninfectious disease control, the IHR revision process, the substantivechanges contained in the new IHR and concerns regarding thefuture of the new IHR. The article demonstrates why the newIHR constitute a seminal event in the relationship between internationallaw and public health and send messages about how human societiesshould govern their vulnerabilities to serious, acute diseaseevents in the twenty-first century. 相似文献
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A difficult yet prevalent problem in legislative politics is how to assess explanations when observable actions may not represent true (and unobserved) legislator preferences. We present a method for analyzing the validity of theoretical/historical accounts that unifies theory, history, and measurement. We argue that approaches to testing accounts of legislative behavior which are theoretically and historically agnostic are not always best and present an approach which: (1) forms an explicit explanation of behavior (here a simple dynamic voting game) that yields estimable parameter constraints, and (2) tests these constraints using a customized empirical model that is as consistent as possible with the explanation. We demonstrate the method using legislative voting data from the first Congress (1789–1791). Using the idea of sophisticated equivalents from voting theory we subject the traditional account of the “Compromise of 1790” to a statistical test and find that there is reason to doubt the claim that legislators of the time believed the specified log roll was taking place. The results suggest that the capital location and assumption issues were resolved independently. 相似文献
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Joshua M. Tallent 《环境索赔杂志》2013,25(1):43-49
The possibility that New York will allow high-volume hydraulic fracturing in the near future raises the issue of liability for environmental and other extraction-related harms. Given the potential risk, New York courts should consider treating natural gas exploration under a strict liability regime. Natural gas producers facing strict liability for drilling mishaps would be forced to internalize the environmental and other social costs inherent in the drilling process, thus incentivizing producers to exercise a maximum of care. 相似文献
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Joshua Eisenman 《当代中国》2016,25(100):643-649
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A House Divided? Roll Calls,Polarization, and Policy Differences in the U.S. House, 1877–2011 下载免费PDF全文
David A. Bateman Joshua D. Clinton John S. Lapinski 《American journal of political science》2017,61(3):698-714
The study of political conflict in legislatures is fundamental to understanding the nature of governance, but also difficult because of changes in membership and the issues addressed over time. Focusing on the enduring issue of civil rights in the United States since Reconstruction, we show that using current methods and measures to characterize elite ideological disagreements makes it hard to interpret or reconcile the conflicts with historical understandings because of their failure to adequately account for the policies being voted upon and the consequences of the iterative lawmaking process. Incorporating information about the policies being voted upon provides a starkly different portrait of elite conflict—not only are contemporary parties relatively less divided than is commonly thought, but the conflict occurs in a smaller, and more liberal, portion of the policy space. These findings have important implications for a broad range of work that uses elite actions to compare political conflict/polarization across time. 相似文献
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AbstractKawabata Yasunari held a deep interest in the study of spiritualism from his very youth. He demonstrates his knowledge of the field in his writing in a variety of ways, particularly in the short stories he published during the prewar period. Thus far, scholarship has considered Kawabata's relationship with spiritualism primarily in terms of his biography: there has yet to be a satisfactorily rigorous study taking into account historical context and his use of spiritualism as novelistic technique. This article analyzes Kawabata and spiritualism with respect to modernism by looking at the short stories ‘The Full White Moon’, ‘Requiem’, and ‘Lyric Poem’. This analysis will also help illuminate the diversity of Kawabata's approaches to modernism. 相似文献