全文获取类型
收费全文 | 49篇 |
免费 | 1篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 4篇 |
工人农民 | 4篇 |
世界政治 | 5篇 |
外交国际关系 | 7篇 |
法律 | 15篇 |
政治理论 | 13篇 |
综合类 | 2篇 |
出版年
2021年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 1篇 |
2019年 | 2篇 |
2018年 | 1篇 |
2017年 | 1篇 |
2016年 | 2篇 |
2015年 | 5篇 |
2014年 | 1篇 |
2013年 | 10篇 |
2012年 | 2篇 |
2011年 | 1篇 |
2009年 | 2篇 |
2007年 | 2篇 |
2006年 | 1篇 |
2005年 | 1篇 |
2003年 | 1篇 |
2001年 | 1篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1995年 | 5篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 2篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有50条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
2.
3.
J. Mohan Malik 《East Asia》1990,9(2):3-32
The 1980s have witnessed an intense debate by China’s strategic community over a military strategy in response to what Beijing
sees as a shifting, but still complex and potentially troublesome, security environment. though the debate is yet to conclude,
the broad contours of the new doctrine have been sketched out. Acknowledging that both superpowers are increasingly constrained
by economic, political, and military factors in their contest for supremacy, Chinese analysts continue to warn against lowering
armed guard at a time when the focus of the arms race is shifting to new frontiers: outer space and oceans. They would like
China to strengthen its national defense rather than rely an arms control to mitigate threats to its security. China is continuing
its defense modernization program, which will reshape its force structure and enhance its conventional and nuclear capabilities.
and the author ofChinese National Security and Nuclear Arms Control [M. E. Sharpe, forthcoming]. 相似文献
4.
5.
In this study, we examine citizens?? perceptions of police?Ccommunity relationships in India. More specifically, in this exploratory study, we examine the extent to which factors such as general satisfaction with police services, police professionalism, feeling of safety, and perception of police integrity all explain the public confidence in police?Ccitizen relationships. Those who are generally satisfied with police like to work with police and view police?Ccommunity relationships positively. Further, we find that those who feel police are fair in dealing with citizens, irrespective of social status, and those who feel more safe in their communities are those who are most willing to work with police. 相似文献
6.
Robert Sharpe Birgit Völlm Amina Akhtar Ramneesh Puri 《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2016,27(4):459-475
In England and Wales, prisoners with mental disorder of such severity as to warrant inpatient treatment may be transferred to hospital under the Mental Health Act. UK Government guidance recommends that this process should be completed within 14 days; however, evidence suggests that in many cases it can take much longer. This retrospective service evaluation of 64 male prisoners, who were transferred under Section 47 or Section 48, aimed to evaluate transfer durations. The mean time from referral to admission was 76 days. Prisoners with a psychotic disorder were admitted more quickly. Remand prisoners were admitted more quickly than sentenced prisoners. Findings suggest that, in the UK the transfer time of prisoners under Sections 47 and 48 of the Mental Health Act continues to far exceed the 14-day target which raises concern about equivalence of care for prisoners. Our findings support arguments for fundamental amendments to the admissions process. 相似文献
7.
AbstractNon-aligned India has been the focal point of the super-power détente. The Soviet Union has been interested in fore-closing a revolution in India because it regards India as the very model of “national democracy” which lends itself to peaceful transition to socialism. Besides, the Soviet Union, like the United States, wants a stable, viable India to ensure a continuing Asian confrontation with China. Both the super powers have tried to underwrite India in order to ensure that it is not convulsed by revolution. As India has been drawn into the vortex of the superpower game to contain China, its non-alignment has lapsed into double alignment. 相似文献
8.
Recent discussions in development have moved away from holistic theorisation towards more localised, empirical and inductive approaches. In development practice there has been a parallel move towards local ‘participation’ and ‘empowerment’, which has produced, albeit with very different agendas, a high level of agreement between actors and institutions of the ‘new’ Left and the ‘new’ Right. This paper examines the manifestations of this move in four key political arenas: decentralised service delivery, participatory development, social capital formation and local development, and collective actions for ‘radical democracy’. We argue that, by focusing so heavily on ‘the local’, the see manifestations tend to underplay both local inequalities and power relations as well as national and transnational economic and political forces. Following from this, we advocate a stronger emphasis on the politics of the local, ie on the political use of ‘the local’ by hegemonic and counter-hegemonic interests. 相似文献
9.
Tanvi Madan 《India Review》2013,12(4):368-385
ABSTRACTIn recent years, as China has continued to rise as an economic, political and military power, there has been increasing consideration of its role in shaping US–India relations over the last two decades. However, this article, considering the period 1949–1979, shows that American and Indian perceptions of and policy toward China shaped the US–India relationship even during the Cold War. In doing so, the article seeks not just to bring China back into the story of past US–India relations, but also shed light on the China–India–US triangle of today and of tomorrow. 相似文献
10.