全文获取类型
收费全文 | 197篇 |
免费 | 5篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 5篇 |
工人农民 | 14篇 |
世界政治 | 15篇 |
外交国际关系 | 15篇 |
法律 | 117篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
中国政治 | 2篇 |
政治理论 | 33篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2022年 | 1篇 |
2020年 | 1篇 |
2019年 | 2篇 |
2018年 | 6篇 |
2017年 | 4篇 |
2016年 | 8篇 |
2015年 | 3篇 |
2014年 | 8篇 |
2013年 | 23篇 |
2012年 | 2篇 |
2011年 | 5篇 |
2010年 | 9篇 |
2009年 | 10篇 |
2008年 | 11篇 |
2007年 | 5篇 |
2006年 | 8篇 |
2005年 | 6篇 |
2004年 | 5篇 |
2003年 | 4篇 |
2002年 | 1篇 |
2001年 | 6篇 |
2000年 | 5篇 |
1999年 | 7篇 |
1998年 | 4篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1996年 | 2篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 2篇 |
1993年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 4篇 |
1990年 | 5篇 |
1989年 | 5篇 |
1988年 | 3篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1986年 | 4篇 |
1985年 | 2篇 |
1984年 | 4篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1982年 | 2篇 |
1981年 | 3篇 |
1980年 | 5篇 |
1978年 | 3篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有202条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Conclusion With the passage of the Administrative Dispute Resolution Act, the stage was set for innovation and change in federal agencies. Now, part way into the five-year life of the Act, a new administration has the potential to encourage even wider use of ADR at the federal level, providing still more examples from which to develop a clearer sense of best practice. Additional funds, both for ACUS and individual agencies, are vital to providing the level of experimentation, innovation, and documentation needed to ensure success.MIT ProfessorLawrence E. Susskind is director of the MIT-Harvard Public Disputes Program, 512 Pound Hall, Harvard Law School, Cambridge, Mass. 02138.Eileen F. Babbitt is associate director of the Public Disputes Program.Phyllis N. Segal is a practicing mediator with Endispute, Incorporated.The authors would like to acknowledge the federal dispute resolution specialists who contributed greatly to our work by providing interviews and materials for this article: Cathy Costantino of FDIC; David Batson of EPA; John Settle and Ron Walczak of HHS; David Drabkin of DLA; Jim Jones of DOL; Sheldon Guttman of FCC; Charles Pou of ACUS; Jeff Domber of GSA; and Diane Liff of DOT. 相似文献
2.
Conclusion In 1984, after years of study and thorough debate, a bipartisan majority of the Congress enacted perhaps the most far-reaching reform of the federal criminal justice system in the history of the United States. The Sentencing Reform Act and the federal sentencing guidelines are now beginning to produce data indicating that the objectives of avoiding unwarranted disparity and invidious discrimination are being achieved.After an uncertain beginning, the guidelines are gaining acceptance by courts and criminal justice practitioners. As one appellate court observed in admonishing lower courts that the guidelines must be respected:We have embarked on a new course. Only time will tell whether the use of the guidelines will result in an improvement over the old system. But unless we follow the spirit and written directions of the guidelines, we will never know if they have been given a fair test. They at least deserve that.Indeed, the bold new approach to sentencing that is being followed today in federal courthouses throughout the United States deserves an opportunity to succeed, given its many beneficial features and the lofty goals toward which the reforms are directed. While ample work remains for the United States Sentencing Commission to monitor and improve the guidelines, indications at this still early date are that the experiment is succeeding.An earlier version of this paper was presented at the fifth conference of the Society for the Reform of Criminal Law, Parliament House, Edinburgh, Scotland, August 5–9, 1990. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official position of the United States Sentencing Commission.B.A., Davidson College 1964; J.D., University of South Carolina School of Law 1967.B.A., Ohio State University 1974; M.S., Arizona State University 1980; M.A., University of California, Santa Barbara, 1983.B.S., Clemson University 1971; M.S., Clemson University 1975; J.D., University of South Carolina School of Law 1978. 相似文献
3.
4.
5.
James L. Payne 《Public Choice》1991,70(1):71-82
It is widely believed that electoral pressures cause legislators to favor government spending programs. This electoral theory of spending is shown to encompass two core hypotheses: (1) the electoral consequences hypothesis, which states that support for spending programs improves the representative's electoral showing; and (2) the legislator insecurity hypothesis, which states that greater electoral insecurity leads representatives to be more in favor of spending programs. A test of these ideas using spending scores for U.S. representatives in 1986 finds that neither hypothesis is supported by the data. 相似文献
6.
This paper examines the temporal relationship between revenues and expenditures for the forty-eight contiguous states over an annual period 1942 to 1992. Using an error-correction model, we find that the tax-spend hypothesis is supported for twenty-four states. The spend-tax hypothesis is valid for eight states while the fiscal synchronization hypothesis is supported for eleven states. The remaining five states failed the diagnostic tests for error-correction modeling. 相似文献
7.
8.
9.
10.