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1.
习近平"切实尊重每个人的生命价值和尊严"理念是中国共产党执政为民价值理念的生动体现,是以人民为中心的发展思想的具体深化,是习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的重要组成部分,彰显出深厚的人民情怀。习近平"切实尊重每个人的生命价值和尊严"理念以其显著的人民性、时代性、理论性和实践性,为党和国家如何在政治上对待人民生命及其相关事务提供了思想指导和实践遵循,具有深刻的生命政治哲学意蕴。"切实尊重每个人的生命价值和尊严"理念是习近平运用历史唯物主义基本原理系统阐述执政党与人民群众生命安全的关系、国家治理与人民群众生命权利的关系、社会公正与人民群众生命解放的关系等一系列关系的重大时代命题。因此,这一理念所具有的生命政治哲学意蕴和深厚人民情怀就集中体现为在确保生命安全上坚持党性和人民性相统一、在维护生命权利上坚持国家发展目标和社会价值目标相统一、在实现生命解放上坚持国家的制度完善和人民群众利益全面实现相统一。 相似文献
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ABSTRACTSince the late 20th century, the federal government has regulated colleges’ and universities’ handling of campus sexual and gender-based violence (CSGBV). Although the arc of history has bent toward establishing greater protections for victims of such violence, new proposed regulation by the U.S. Department of Education under the Trump administration focuses more heavily on ensuring due process rights for students accused of CSGBV. Most recently, in November 2018, U.S. Secretary of Education, Betsy DeVos submitted a proposed rule change to the regulation of Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972. This article provides the historical context for this most recent proposed federal regulation of CSGBV and discusses the criticism of this proposal that, if it is implemented, students would become less safe in the ivory tower. 相似文献
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Annelieke C. van den Berg Sarah N. Giest Sandra M. Groeneveld Wessel Kraaij 《Public administration review》2020,80(6):989-1000
Governments are increasingly implementing smart and digital approaches to promoting citizen participation. However, whether online participation platforms are tools that improve inclusivity in citizen participation remains underexplored. To address this gap, this article focuses on the role of recruitment messages and their effect on participation in an online participation platform by gender and age. A field experiment with a neighborhood census sample (N = 6,066) shows that online participation dips for younger and older citizens and is equal among women and men. For the age groups between 60 and 75, differences in the control and intervention recruitment messages significantly impacted participation. These findings can help public managers tailor recruitment strategies to facilitate inclusive participation and represent a first step toward learning what types of messages are effective for whom. 相似文献
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受欺凌青少年向父母保持"沉默",隐瞒被欺凌经历的现象十分普遍。本文从代际情感互动视角出发,通过网络民族志和深度访谈发现,当子代向亲代部分或全部披露欺凌事件,亲代继续实践日常情感互动模式会产生"虚假情感理解"甚至对子代进行身体惩罚,此外长时间的不良代际情感互动会导致受欺凌子代产生负面预期,为避免痛苦"再生产",理性的个体以向亲代保持"沉默"来进行自我保护。代际情感共同体建构是受欺凌子代实现共有感受期望的前提,代际情感互动的时空界限是真实理解受欺凌子代情感需求的基础,消解或转移受欺凌子代负性情感是打破沉默的关键,进而有助于家长理性参与校园欺凌干预,防范校园欺凌风险。 相似文献
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In response to research demonstrating that irrelevant contextual information can bias forensic science analyses, authorities have increasingly urged laboratories to limit analysts' access to irrelevant and potentially biasing information (Dror and Cole (2010) [3]; National Academy of Sciences (2009) [18]; President's Council of Advisors on Science and Technology (2016) [22]; UK Forensic Science Regulator (2015) [26]). However, a great challenge in implementing this reform is determining which information is task-relevant and which is task-irrelevant. In the current study, we surveyed 183 forensic analysts to examine what they consider relevant versus irrelevant in their forensic analyses. Results revealed that analysts generally do not regard information regarding the suspect or victim as essential to their analytic tasks. However, there was significant variability among analysts within and between disciplines. Findings suggest that forensic science disciplines need to agree on what they regard as task-relevant before context management procedures can be properly implemented. The lack of consensus about what is relevant information not only leaves room for biasing information, but also reveals foundational gaps in what analysts consider crucial in forensic decision making. 相似文献
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ABSTRACTMany liberals have been immodest in postulating that their own progressive, secular liberalism is the only one that can be justified in public reason. In Liberalism’s Religion, I articulate a more modest theory of liberalism and religion. While I personally endorse progressive secular liberalism, I argue that it is only one of the reasonable conceptions of liberal justice. This liberal modesty has profound, hitherto unnoticed implications for (i) the role of religious arguments in the public sphere, (ii) the legitimacy of religious establishment, and (iii) the justifiability of religious exemptions. In this article, I defend these three claims by providing replies to my critics. 相似文献
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Matthew C. Benwell Alejandro F. Gasel Andres Núñez 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2020,39(4):424-438
This paper draws on recent research examining feminist and everyday geopolitics to focus on the relatively neglected domestic sphere as a space where geopolitical events like the Falklands/Malvinas war are learnt, (re)produced, remembered and contested by young people. It presents qualitative data drawn from interviews with young people from Argentina (Río Gallegos) and the Falkland Islands (Stanley), locations with intimate connections to the 1982 war. It argues that research in domestic environments that engages the familial relations, objects and practices that embody geopolitical pasts can help make sense of how young people (are able to) express geopolitical agency. 相似文献
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试论商品化权 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
尹芳 《贵州警官职业学院学报》2003,15(1):49-51
商品化权起源于美国,至今仍处于研究领域。商品化权应是一项权利主体将其拥有的能够创造商业价值的文学艺术作品中的虚拟角色、真实人物及该文学艺术作品的名称和现实生活中的自然人人格标识等自己或授权他人使用的权利。它应由著作权法和人格权法来保护。 相似文献