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Marisa McGlinchey 《Swiss Political Science Review》2019,25(4):426-449
A central question in the debate between “centripetalists” and “consociationalists” concerns whether power‐sharing arrangements provide incentives for moderation. This article helps to formulate an empirical answer through an examination of the electoral decline of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) following the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) in the North of Ireland. Drawing on primary qualitative interviews with key players, this article argues that the SDLP were electoral losers under a system of ethnic out‐flanking. Sinn Féin has successfully presented itself as the “greener” and more robust representative of nationalist interests, whilst simultaneously moderating its message and operating the institutions of Northern Ireland. Sinn Féin has taken ownership of the GFA and has positioned itself as the party best able to ensure its delivery. Sinn Féin’s rights‐based agenda, and vibrant electoral machine, has resonated with the nationalist electorate who are less sure of what the contemporary SDLP stands for. 相似文献
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This paper explores whether an individual’s news source can explain their attitudes on immigration. We focus on the Spanish-speaking
population in the U.S., since they have the option of accessing their news in English, Spanish or in both languages. Our audience influence hypothesis predicts that Spanish-language news will cover immigration in a more positive and informative manner than will English-language
news. Thus, Latinos who use Spanish-language news may have a higher likelihood of possessing pro-immigrant sentiments than
Latinos who only use English-language news. Content analysis of Spanish and English-language television news segments reveals
variations in the tone and substance of these news outlets. Analysis of Latino survey respondents indicates that immigration
attitudes vary by news source. Generational status also influences Latinos’ immigration attitudes, though its impact is not
as great as one’s news source.
相似文献
Simran SinghEmail: |
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Miller EJ Marques MB Simmons GT 《The American journal of forensic medicine and pathology》2003,24(4):329-333
Pulmonary thromboembolism is an often fatal complication of venous thrombosis. Any component or combination of the components composing Virchow's triad (venostasis, hypercoagulability, and endothelial damage) increases the propensity for a thrombophilic state. Hypercoagulable states may be inherited or acquired. While the etiology in many cases may be evident either on physical examination or on evaluation of the decedent's medical history, this is often not the case. We conducted a retrospective study of cases presenting to the Jefferson County Coroner/Medical Examiner's Office in Birmingham, Alabama, who were given a diagnosis of pulmonary embolism. A search of cases within the past 23 years yielded 81 cases. An underlying cause was determined in 70 cases (86%). The remaining 11 (14%) cases had no identifiable cause. We believe that a number of these cases may represent an underlying thrombophilic disorder. Since these disorders may be of an inherited or acquired nature, the determination of an etiology may be relevant to the decedent's family. Postmortem blood analyses may in selected cases be useful and appropriate for the detection of some of these disorders. However, such analyses are not practical in all cases, with each case having to be evaluated on its own merits. 相似文献
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The Maltese public service is currently undergoing major organisational changes to enhance its efficiency and effectiveness in its service delivery. The great majority of these changes have focussed on re‐organising the macro‐level, namely strategy, processes and structures. This is not an easy feat as local external power forces leave their impact in the process. It is argued, however, that one way to circumvent these resisting forces is to empower the real agents of change: the administrators of the public service. For some reason, the micro‐level has been neglected and has been generally absent from the agenda of the major change programme with a few exceptions. This article throws light on this level by proposing an intrapersonal, psychological and pedagogical model for change that may complement and accompany the larger macro changes. The authors suggest that the model can be developed in a practical way to motivate change from within the person and not just push change around the person. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
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Crack as Proxy: Aggressive Federal Drug Prosecutions and the Production of Black–White Racial Inequality 下载免费PDF全文
In this article, we empirically examine jurisdictional variations in federal crack prosecutions to measure whether aggressive crack prosecutorial practices are associated with racial inequality in federal caseload characteristics and outcomes. Building on theories that address the production of inequality in institutional settings, we hypothesize that U.S. Attorneys’ offices that are more proactive in charging defendants with crack, relative to other kinds of drugs, and relative to case strength and seriousness, will demonstrate higher rates of black–white racial inequality in case outcomes across the entire criminal caseload. Consistent with theories of institutional racism, our findings demonstrate that aggressive crack prosecutions at the district level are a strong predictor of black–white inequality in conviction rates across the entire criminal caseload, and a much more modest predictor of inequality in final sentence outcomes. We conclude by discussing the importance of organizational‐level empirical analyses for more effectively uncovering the conditions under which inequality can and does flourish in legal settings, and suggest possible future lines of inquiry along these lines. 相似文献
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Marisa Kellam 《拉美政治与社会》2013,55(4):23-46
This article examines whether changes in electoral participation contributed to electoral volatility in Latin America between 1945 and 2000. As a result of literacy voting requirements and authoritarian interludes that disenfranchised large portions of the population, new voters in Latin America probably had different political interests from the previous electorate and were not socialized to electoral politics. The article considers the hypothesis that the inclusion of new voters with different interests produces an immediate, short‐term change in aggregate voting patterns, and a lack of socialization of new voters generates lingering instability in electoral behavior. Accounting for confounding factors, the analysis of legislative elections in 12 countries indicates that the expansion of the electorate temporarily disrupted voting patterns in Latin America but did not lead to long‐run party system decay. 相似文献