排序方式: 共有32条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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Valerio Lintner Paul Brook Stuart W. J. Thomson Jeffrey Weeks 《Contemporary Politics》1997,3(3):287-294
Ash Amin and John Tomaney (eds), Behind the Myth of European Union: Prospects for Cohesion (Routledge, London, 1995), 334 pp., ISBN 0–415–13078–6 (pb)
Stephen Gundle and Simon Parker (eds), The New Italian Republic: Front the Fall of the Berlin Wall to Berlusconi (Routledge, London, 1996), 334 pp., ISBN 0–415–12161–2 (hb), 0–415–12162 (pb)
Donald Sassoon, One Hundred Years of Socialism: The West European Left in the Twentieth Century (I. B. Tauris, London, 1996), 965 pp., ISBN 1–85043–879‐X
Geoff Mulgan, Connexity: How to Live in a Connected World (Chatto & Windus, London, 1997), 280 pp., ISBN 0–7011–6396–8 相似文献
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Sheldon G. Weeks 《Journal of youth and adolescence》1973,2(3):259-270
This paper examines the transition to adult status in four ethnic groups in Uganda, including one with circumcision and one with age-sets. The formal status hierarchies and the recognized points of transition are described. Then the variations from these norms are examined to show that when one functionally becomes an adult may differ from the stated points of transition.Presented at the Nabugabo Conference, March 21–24, 1971, Methods and Problems and Strategies of Field Work, Makerere Institute of Social Research, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda.Research Fellow, Sociology, Makerere Institute of Social Research, and Assistant Professor, Harvard University. 相似文献
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Gregory B. Weeks 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2002,21(3):396-412
This article argues that political learning with regard to civil-military relations in Chile has proved an obstacle to democratization. In the postauthoritarian period, both the armed forces and political parties have referred to history when considering civil-military reform, especially with regard to how to avoid a repeat of the conflict of the Unidad Popular period. Meanwhile, the military also utilizes the Spanish example when resisting changes it feels are inimical to its interests. The 'lessons' each takes from the past directly influence political strategies and the overall result is that while civilian rule continues, democratic civil-military relations are not necessarily advanced. 相似文献
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Study after study has found that regime type has little or no effect on states’ decisions to pursue nuclear weapons. We argue, however, that conventional approaches comparing the behavior of democracies to that of nondemocracies have resulted in incorrect inferences. We disaggregate types of nondemocracies and argue that leaders of highly centralized, “personalistic” dictatorships are particularly likely to view nuclear weapons as an attractive solution to their concerns about regime security and face fewer constraints in pursuing nuclear weapons than leaders of other types of regimes. Combining our more nuanced classification of regime type with a more theoretically appropriate empirical approach, we find that personalist regimes are substantially more likely to pursue nuclear weapons than other regime types. This finding is robust to different codings of proliferation dates and a range of modeling approaches and specifications and has significant implications for both theory and policy. 相似文献
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An old adage holds that “only Nixon could go to China”; that is, hawkish leaders face fewer domestic barriers than doves when it comes to pursuing reconciliation with foreign enemies. However, empirical evidence for this proposition is mixed. In this article, we clarify competing theories, elucidate their implications for public opinion, and describe the results of a series of survey experiments designed to evaluate whether and why there is a hawk's advantage. We find that hawks are indeed better positioned domestically to initiate rapprochement than doves. We also find support for two key causal mechanisms: Voters are more confident in rapprochement when it is pursued by a hawk and are more likely to view hawks who initiate conciliation as moderates. Further, the hawk's advantage persists whether conciliatory efforts end in success or failure. Our microfoundational evidence thus suggests a pronounced domestic advantage for hawks who deliver the olive branch. 相似文献
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This article analyzes civil-military relations in Chile, focusing on the period between 1990 and 1998. It analyzes military
interests and civil-military channels. The four main cases examined in this article are situations when civilians sought to
make decisions the military opposed that affected core military interests. They shed light on the degree to which formal institutions
were able to function effectively in very tense situations. The cases are the military movements of 1990 and 1993, the 1995
imprisonment of Manuel Contreras, and the 1998 constitutional accusation against Augusto Pinochet. The ability of the Chilean
military to pursue its interests successfully by circumventing formal channels in the face of opposition from civilian policymakers
demonstrates that the road to civilian supremacy is long and the end is not clearly in sight.
Gregory Weeks is assistant professor of political science at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte. He is the author
of articles in Hemisphere Journal of Third World Studies, andThird World Quarterly. He received his Ph.D. in political science from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in 1999. 相似文献
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Weeks EA 《Journal of health law》2003,36(2):247-300
This Article addresses hospitals' use of economic criteria to determine an individual's qualifications for staff privileges. Hospitals are resorting to economic conflict-of-interest credentialing policies in an attempt to ensure physician's loyalty and maintain their own economic viability. Physicians, however, argue that entrepreneurial activities are necessary for them to meet the economic challenges posed by declining reimbursements and rising insurance costs. The Article surveys the numerous legal theories that physicians (and, in some cases, the federal government) could employ in attacking these new types of credentialing policies and concludes that, on balance, hospitals should be able to implement their policies in ways that minimize liability in most jurisdictions. The Article concludes by discussing other issues that economic credentialing policies raise, including those implicating tax-exempt status and nonlegal considerations. 相似文献