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1.
In Norway, as in many other high-cost OECD countries in a geographical and cultural periphery, policy-makers seem to have
given up attempts at attracting large numbers of foreign R&D investments. Instead, a major focus of innovation policies is
to help companies internationalise yet with an aim to maintain or even increase their level of R&D and other innovation activities
nationally. Based on case studies of eight Norwegian companies and their motives for and experiences with internationalisation
of R&D, this article questions this policy. From the perspective of the companies, many factors explain how, why and where
they carry out their R&D activities.
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2.
More with Less? Fiscal Decentralisation,Public Health Spending and Health Sector Performance 下载免费PDF全文
Helge Arends 《Swiss Political Science Review》2017,23(2):144-174
Decentralisation is considered a panacea for deficient public sector performance by many. However, recent trends of health sector recentralisation in several OECD countries suggest the opposite. Taking on a cross‐country perspective, I examine two hypotheses, namely that decentralisation leads to an increase in public health spending (H1) and to poor health sector outcomes (H2). The evidence I present suggests that decentralising spending tends to lead to larger public health sectors and to poorer health sector outcomes. However, decentralising tax authority has no effect on the size of the health sector and may actually have a positive effect on health sector performance. The broader lesson is that while general fiscal decentralisation research tends to imply that its conclusions are valid for all policy areas in a similar way, sector‐specific insights can reveal a more nuanced view on the consequences of fiscal decentralisation. 相似文献
3.
Helge Berger 《Public Choice》1997,93(3-4):427-453
The German Bundesbank is frequently called the world's most independent and conservative central bank. Taking account of the path dependency of this reputation, both quantitative data and qualitative data on German central bank law and political conflicts are used to determine the factors that contributed to this reputation in the 1950s. It is shown that quantitative analysis has its limits and that law might be a misleading indicator in this respect. It is rather the analysis of policy conflicts between the Bundesbank and the government that yields information on the bank's path to independence. 相似文献
4.
Tonje Fyhn Kristin Konglevoll Fjell Bjørn Helge Johnsen 《Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology》2016,31(4):261-269
The aim of this study was to explore the role of individual and contextual buffers against the effects of work stress among police investigators. 156 Norwegian police investigators were assessed on the predictor variables psychological hardiness, work engagement, social support, and meaningfulness, and on the outcome variables of burnout, subjective health complaints, and self-reported sick leave. Hierarchical regression analysis showed that psychological hardiness predicted the variance in burnout beyond that of work engagement, social support, and meaningfulness. When the investigators were divided into two groups based on their field, investigators of assault crime showed higher scores than the group consisting of forensics and investigators of fire, financial, and environmental crime on the variables psychological hardiness, social support, meaningfulness, and subjective health complaints. No differences between the groups were found on burnout, sickness absence, and work engagement. The findings show the importance of resilience factors for coping with work stress, with the commitment dimension of hardiness being particularly important. 相似文献
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Since the end of the Tajik civil war in 1997, the Tajik authorities have being seeking to instill a new national consciousness. Here the educational system plays a crucial role, not least the way history is taught. Through a state-approved history curriculum, the authorities offer a common understanding of the past that is intended to strengthen the (imagined) community of the present. In this article, we examine the set of history textbooks currently used in Tajik schools and compare them with Soviet textbooks, exploring continuities and changes in the understanding of the Tajik nation. We distinguish between changes in the perception of the national “self” and the new “other,” the Uzbeks, and introduce two intermediary categories: the Soviet/Russian heritage as an “external self” and Islam as an “internal other.” The main battle for the further delimitation of the Tajik “self” is likely to take place within the discursive gray zone between the two latter categories, where the authorities will have to find a balance between a continued secular state ideology and the heavy presence of Islam, as well as between a Soviet past and a Tajik present. 相似文献
7.
Helge Peukert 《European Journal of Law and Economics》2001,12(2):113-122
The article critcizes recent contributions which argue that the historical school was neither German, nor historical, nor a school. Instead, the historical school has a pronounced multifaceted basis which is mostly ignored in the recent literature. Some of these multifaceted dimensions are briefly highlighted. Finally, the practical relevance of the approach is discussed by referring to some recent economic policy issues. 相似文献
8.
Helge Peukert 《European Journal of Law and Economics》2001,11(2):91-130
In the last years, a dialogue and comparison between old and new institutionalism set in. In some recent writings, R. Richter pointed out the similarity of their questions and critique of neoclassical theory. He tries to show that Schmoller as an old institutionalist shies away from theorizing while e.g. D. C. North does not. We argue that both give reasonable alternative answers to methodological and theoretical problems of every institutional analysis which can be formulated in five dichotomies. 相似文献
9.
Helge Holtermann 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2016,28(2):316-337
How can insurgent groups that are militarily far weaker than the state survive and grow? Influential accounts drawing on Kalyvas' “control-collaboration” model argue that limited state reach can make this possible by allowing rebel groups to carve out pockets of control where they can elicit collaboration. I suggest that this account is inadequate. Even states with limited reach are likely to transfer sufficient forces to rebel-affected areas to establish at least partial control. Weak rebels therefore often face the challenge of building capacity without local control to begin with. I identify two broad factors that can make this feasible: first, strong pre-existing rebel networks, which facilitate collaboration through solidarity, norms of reciprocity, and social incentives; and second, counterinsurgency policies and practices that fail to exploit the opportunities that control offers for incentivizing collaboration and shaping political preferences. These arguments are grounded in a fieldwork-based case study of insurgency processes in a hamlet of Rolpa, Nepal. 相似文献
10.
Helge Jordheim 《Journal of Political Ideologies》2018,23(3):299-319
ABSTRACTAfter having been dormant for much of the 20th century, the concept of cosmopolitanism has regained some of its former rhetorical power in current academic and political debates. Taking Kwame Anthony Appiah and Robert Fine as key interlocutors, the article argues that a historically informed analysis of the linguistic context, in which the language of cosmopolitanism first emerged, can help us understand better the political and ideological underpinnings of the concept. In the first part of the article, I discuss the emergence of cosmopolitanism in the context of what I shall refer to as the ‘ismatization’ of political language in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. In the second part, I turn to what I consider to be a key text for understanding the paradoxes of cosmopolitanism: the essay Das Geheimnis des Kosmopolitenordens (‘The Secret of the Order of the Cosmopolitans’), published by the German novelist, poet and publicist Christoph Martin Wieland in the journal Teutscher Merkur in 1788. At the end of the 18th century, I argue, Wieland makes a similar observation to Fine, namely that the ‘ism’ connotes something doctrinal, even sectarian, and steeped in secrecy and conspiracy. 相似文献