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1.
Political Careers differ from other professional careers in several regards, but most significantly in the peculiar degree of insecurity they impose. This insecurity is due to the democratic accountability to voters, which includes the possibility of electoral defeat and deprofessionalization. Therefore a continuous career is rendered much more difficult than in other occupations. This calls for specific strategies of access to and staying in political positions, which may be subsumed under the rubric of “career politics”. This article deals with political careers in the Federal Republic of Germany and the elements of individual career politics that may be reconstructed from these careers. The analysis is based on a dataset comprising the political biographics of all 1948 German state legislators with the date being taken from the official legislative handbooks. The features that are most interesting here are the succession and the cumulation of different political offices. Four strategies of career politics can be distinguished: a local politics, a party politics, an interest group, and a fourth strategy, that proceeds via staff positions. In analyzing these strategies the article wants to contribute to a better understanding of the relationship between political careers and career politics. 相似文献
2.
Jens Beckert 《Society》2008,45(6):521-528
There are some social issues whose significance for society nobody would seriously question but which nevertheless receive
only scarce attention in sociological research. One of these is the bequest of private wealth from one generation to the next.
It is currently estimated that about 550 billion dollars are transferred annually in the United States, amounting to more
than 4% of the American gross national product (Havens and Schervish 1999). Not only is this a huge amount of wealth that
changes ownership, but the bequest of wealth speaks to some of the core questions of sociological scholarship.
相似文献
Jens BeckertEmail: |
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Declining levels of turnout are a problem in European elections. Are Get Out The Vote campaigns the solution to the problem? While many studies have investigated such campaigns in the US, little is known about their effect in Europe. The article presents a field experiment in which encouragement to vote in an upcoming Danish election is delivered to more than 60,000 first-time voters using direct personal letters. Eight different letters are designed, based on the calculus of voting and prospect theory. The sample is randomly divided into treatment groups or the control group. Using validated turnout, small positive effects of receiving a letter on turnout are found, with little difference across letters. The letters mostly mobilised voters with a low propensity to vote and thus increased equality in participation. In sum, while letters have some effect, they are not likely to be a panacea for solving Europe’s turnout challenges. 相似文献
5.
Jens Blom-Hansen 《Scandinavian political studies》2002,25(1):85-106
This paper analyzes procedural influences on budgetary outcomes in Danish local government. By analyzing local governments the study can remedy two shortcomings of most procedural budget studies. The first is that most studies analyze national budget procedures, which means that only a limited and quite heterogeneous number of cases can be analyzed. The second and more fundamental shortcoming in most studies is the lack of a distinction between political institutions and budget institutions. Although this distinction is difficult to establish for empirical analysis at the national level, it is immediately clear when dealing with local governments. The paper tests a number of hypotheses on procedural influences. It finds that budget institutions have no certain effects on budget outcomes in the preparatory phase. However, in the implementation phase budget institutions seem to matter. 相似文献
6.
Jens Bejer Damgaard 《Scandinavian political studies》1997,20(3):243-264
This article assumes that bureaucrats, like other actors, follow their interests. However, it is also recognized that bureaucrats in political environments face a multilevel game situation with unstable property rights, where priorities between institutional position and more pecuniary goods, e.g. budget maximization, especially in reform situations have to be made. Thus, bureaucrats realize that in order to obtain the latter, the precondition is a secured institutional position and that this position has to be obtained through a bargaining process involving transaction costs, externally due to negotiations with the political principals, and internally through union organization. Empirically, the phenomenon it examined in the case of the Danish day care system which went through a reform period during the late eighties and early nineties. It suggests that although demand for day care rose significantly during this period, day care workers (and their unions) worked for – and succeeded in – securing their institutional position. 相似文献
7.
The article describes the case of a 29-year-old woman who was found dead in her apartment on a bar stool with the body being maximally retroflected in the lumbar region, the head hanging down and the feet and hands barely touching the floor. On external inspection of the body the cuff-like distribution of hypostasis on the forearms and lower legs was consistent with the position in which the body was found. There were no signs of foreign intervention. At autopsy massive congestion was found in the internal organs as well as pulmonary and cerebral edema. In the ventral region of the lumbar intervertebral discs superficial hemorrhages were detected. The alcohol content was 3.40 per thousand in the blood and 4.43 per thousand in the urine. As the essential pathogenetic mechanisms responsible for death reduced venous reflux to the heart in combination with postural asphyxia and the influence of alcohol are discussed. 相似文献
8.
If mobile content is going to be a success, it is important that the content provided to the end users is of high quality and that it creates value for the end users. Therefore, it is important that the content producers can protect their copyrights in order to be able to earn money on the production of high value content. Due to “Everything-over-IP” (i.e. a single Internet Protocol platform for both voice and data traffic) and convergence, including the extension of the media sector to the mobile sector, more distribution channels are made available for content. In this situation, DRM can play an important role as it enables the content producers to better control and bill their content although it is distributed over several different distribution channels and networks.This paper looks at the possibilities of DRM for the development of mobile content markets. It will in detail look at the current legal problems and possibilities that are associated with DRM and mobile content, i.e. the national borders due to national legal systems, the harmonisation at EU level, the problems with copies for personal use, the enabling of control over copyrights and the legal protection of DRM systems. Based on the analysis of the legal situation, the outcomes on the development of mobile content markets are analysed. 相似文献
9.
Jens Blom‐Hansen 《European Law Journal》2011,17(3):344-365
This paper seeks to reveal the institutional interests of the Council of Ministers, the European Parliament and the Commission in the comitology system. This is done by an investigation of the 2006 comitology reform, which introduced the regulatory procedure with scrutiny. This reform was the result of developments in four areas: the Lamfalussy reform in the area of financial regulation; the controversial use of comitology in the area of GMOs, food safety and the environment; the failed Constitutional Treaty; and the amending of the 1999 comitology decision. The analysis shows that the reform was the result of a two‐dimensional constitutional struggle. The first dimension concerns the relative supervisory position of the two legislative actors, the Council and the European Parliament. The second dimension concerns the relationship between the legislative and the executive branch of the EU system. In theoretical terms, the analysis demonstrates an example of T.M. Moe's ‘politics of structural choice’. The paper ends by drawing lessons for the negotiations on the new comitology system following the Lisbon Treaty. 相似文献
10.
Alberto Abadie Alexis Diamond Jens Hainmueller 《American journal of political science》2015,59(2):495-510
In recent years, a widespread consensus has emerged about the necessity of establishing bridges between quantitative and qualitative approaches to empirical research in political science. In this article, we discuss the use of the synthetic control method as a way to bridge the quantitative/qualitative divide in comparative politics. The synthetic control method provides a systematic way to choose comparison units in comparative case studies. This systematization opens the door to precise quantitative inference in small‐sample comparative studies, without precluding the application of qualitative approaches. Borrowing the expression from Sidney Tarrow, the synthetic control method allows researchers to put “qualitative flesh on quantitative bones.” We illustrate the main ideas behind the synthetic control method by estimating the economic impact of the 1990 German reunification on West Germany. 相似文献