全文获取类型
收费全文 | 162篇 |
免费 | 6篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 4篇 |
工人农民 | 7篇 |
世界政治 | 22篇 |
外交国际关系 | 18篇 |
法律 | 80篇 |
中国政治 | 4篇 |
政治理论 | 32篇 |
综合类 | 1篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 2篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 1篇 |
2020年 | 3篇 |
2019年 | 8篇 |
2018年 | 9篇 |
2017年 | 11篇 |
2016年 | 5篇 |
2015年 | 5篇 |
2014年 | 6篇 |
2013年 | 21篇 |
2012年 | 4篇 |
2011年 | 6篇 |
2010年 | 6篇 |
2009年 | 2篇 |
2008年 | 7篇 |
2007年 | 4篇 |
2006年 | 5篇 |
2005年 | 9篇 |
2004年 | 6篇 |
2003年 | 9篇 |
2002年 | 9篇 |
2001年 | 2篇 |
2000年 | 2篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 4篇 |
1994年 | 2篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 3篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有168条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Criminologists have long debated the issue of how to define crime, and hence, the scope of criminological inquiry. For years,
some critical criminologists have argued for expanded definitions of crime that include harmful behaviors of the state that
may not be officially defined as criminal. Other critical criminologists have argued that existing legal frameworks may be
used to study varieties of state crime, and that defining the harmful actions of the state as criminal is important to help
mobilize public support for their control. In this paper, we first trace the historical development of these two perspectives,
and then offer a tentative solution to the seeming tension between these two perspectives. 相似文献
2.
3.
4.
Law enforcement agencies and institutions of higher education have confronted increasing numbers of violent and destructive campus riots and disturbances over the past decade. Problematic is the fact that these riots typically have no underlying cause, other than students’ quest for excitement. Responding to gaps in the empirical literature about these events, this study used data from two waves of surveys to systematically examine those involved in a recurring problem event in a college town that was subject to a police crackdown. The analyses drew on survey responses from over eight hundred event participants in 2002 and 2003, and the results revealed that increased enforcement had a significant effect on crowd composition, including the gender and race of participants, repeat visitors, out-of-town participants, and perceptions about the subjects' overall experience. Implications for law enforcement and community strategies to decrease the size and destructiveness of such problem events are outlined. 相似文献
5.
Dieter Grimm 《群星:国际评论与民主理论杂志》2005,12(4):447-463
6.
Marloes E. M. Vester M.D. Ph.D. Kurt B. Nolte M.D. Ph.D. Gary M. Hatch M.D. Chandra Y. Gerrard M.P.H. B.S. Reinoud D. Stoel Ph.D. Rick R. van Rijn M.D. Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2020,65(5):1568-1573
Postmortem computed tomography (PMCT) is integrated into the evaluation of decedents in several American medical examiner offices and medicolegal death investigative centers in many other countries. We retrospectively investigated the value of PMCT in a series of firearm homicide cases from a statewide centralized medical examiner’s office that occurred during 2016. Autopsies were performed or supervised by board-certified forensic pathologists who reviewed the PMCT scans prior to autopsy. PMCT scans were re-evaluated by a forensic radiologist blinded to the autopsy findings and scored by body region (head–neck, thoracoabdominal, and extremities). Injury discrepancies were scored using a modified Goldman classification and analyzed with McNemar’s test. We included 60 males and 20 females (median age 31 years, range 3–73). Based on PMCT, 56 (79.1%) cases had injuries relevant to the cause of death in a single body region (24 head–neck region, 32 thoracoabdominal region). Out of these 56 cases, 9 had a missed major diagnosis by PMCT outside that region, including 6 extremity injuries visible during standard external examination. Yet all had evident lethal firearm injury. We showed that PMCT identifies major firearm injuries in homicide victims and excludes injuries related to the cause of death in other regions when a single body region is injured. Although PMCT has a known limited sensitivity for soft tissue and vascular pathology, it can be combined with external examination to potentially reduce or focus dissections in some of these cases depending on the circumstances and medicolegal needs. 相似文献
7.
AbstractFollowing the end of the Cold War, post-conflict democratisation has rarely occurred without a significant international involvement. This contribution argues that an explanation of the outcomes of post-conflict democratisation requires more than an examination of external actors, their mission mandates or their capabilities and deficiencies. In addition, there is a need to study domestic elites, their preferences and motivations, as well as their perceptions of and their reactions to external interference. Moreover, the patterns of external–internal interactions may explain the trajectory of state-building and democracy promotion efforts. These issues deserve more attention from both scholars and practitioners in the fields of peace- and state-building, democracy promotion, regime transition and elite research. Analyses of external actors and domestic elites in post-conflict democratisation should therefore address three principal issues: (1) the identification of relevant domestic elites in externally induced or monitored state-building and democratisation processes, (2) the dynamics of external–domestic interactions and (3) the impact of these interactions on the outcomes of post-conflict democratisation. 相似文献
8.
9.
Christopher Cambron Rick Kosterman Richard F. Catalano Katarina Guttmannova J. David Hawkins 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2018,47(2):369-382
There is broad agreement that neighborhood contexts are important for adolescent development, but there is less consensus about their association with adolescent smoking and alcohol use. Few studies have examined associations between neighborhood socioeconomic contexts and smoking and alcohol use while also accounting for differences in family and peer risk factors for substance use. Data drawn from the Seattle Social Development Project (N?=?808), a gender-balanced (female?=?49%), multiethnic, theory-driven longitudinal study originating in Seattle, WA, were used to estimate trajectories of smoking and alcohol use from 5th to 9th grade. Time-varying measures of neighborhood socioeconomic, family, and peer factors were associated with smoking and alcohol use at each wave after accounting for average growth in smoking and alcohol use over time and demographic differences. Results indicated that living in more socioeconomically disadvantaged neighborhoods, lower family income, lower family general functioning, more permissive family smoking environments, and affiliation with deviant peers were independently associated with increased smoking. Lower family functioning, more permissive family alcohol use environments, and deviant peers were independently associated with increased alcohol use. The effect of neighborhood disadvantage on smoking was mediated by family income and deviant peers while the effect of neighborhood disadvantage on alcohol use was mediated by deviant peers alone. Family functioning and family substance use did not mediate associations between neighborhood disadvantage and smoking or alcohol use. The results highlight the importance of neighborhood, family, and peer factors in early adolescent smoking and alcohol use. Future studies should examine the unique association of neighborhood disadvantage with adolescent smoking net of family socioeconomics, functioning, and substance use, as well as peer affiliations. Better understanding of the role of contextual factors in early adolescent smoking and alcohol use can help bolster efforts to prevent both short and long harms from substance use. 相似文献
10.
This article assesses total EU financial flows towards the Western Balkans between 1991 and 2010. It shows that, in the short term, the majority of support has been allocated to humanitarian assistance and socio-economic development. Although the EU has declared its interest in democracy promotion, democracy assistance ranks only third on the list of its financial expenditures in the Western Balkans. Therefore, although EU financial aid is consistent with official EU programmes, it is inadequate in the post-conflict context of the EU candidate and potential candidate countries that require support for democratisation. 相似文献