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In 1929, local officials in the mountainous region of upper Ajara in the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic (SSR) pursued aggressive policies to force women to remove their veils and to close religious schools, provoking the Muslim peasant population to rebellion in one of the largest and most violent of such incidents in Soviet history. The central authorities in Moscow authorized the use of Red Army troops to suppress the uprising, but they also reversed the local initiatives and offered the peasants concessions. Based on Party and secret police files from the Georgian archives in Tbilisi and Batumi, this article will explore the ways in which local cadres interpreted regime policies in this Muslim region of Georgia, and the interaction of the center and periphery in dealing with national identity, Islam, gender, and everyday life in the early Soviet period. 相似文献
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Governance,the State,and the Market: What Is Going On? 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Alberta M. Sbragia 《管理》2000,13(2):243-250
Analyses of the 'shrinking state' tend to focus on the pressures being felt by the welfare state. The 'state' is viewed as a provider of social benefits and as redistributing wealth. To the extent these functions are being challenged the state is perceived as being 'rolled back' by the forces of the market. Yet the state is also involved in 'building' markets. This function, overshadowed in the past, has now become an important state activity. Such activity, however, is carried out by state actors different from those involved in the provision of social benefits and the evolution of the welfare state. Majoritarian institutions are largely responsible for the latter while non-majoritarian institutions oversee theformer. Although the balance of power among different types of state actors has shifted, the power of public authority has not necessarily been 'rolled back' by the market. 相似文献
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Alessandro De Giorgi 《Critical Criminology》2007,15(3):243-265
This article suggests some new lines of research in the field of the political economy of punishment and some possible new
directions for a critical approach to contemporary social control strategies. The starting point is the transition from a
Fordist economy to what can be defined as a post-Fordist system of production. I outline some tendencies in the actual capitalist
dynamic (concerning the labour market, the production process, the relations between the workforce and capitalist power and
between work and social citizenship), suggesting that a renewed political economy of social control has to deal with them.
Two tendencies are assumed to be structural. On the one hand, the tendency of the capitalist system to make the production
(and extraction) of surplus-value more and more independent of the effective working time (a tendency toward the reduction
of human labour in the productive process). On the other hand, the tendency towards the massive introduction of new technologies:
a tendency whose main consequences seem to be the intellectualisation of human labour and the decline of the classic distinction
between manual and intellectual labour. I assume that these tendencies give rise to a new productive subject (the multitude), whose characters exceed the actual organisation of work and deepen the contradictions intrinsic to post-Fordist societies.
Hence, an analysis of some new social control strategies follows, where I consider actuarialism as a technology for the control
of these contradictions
Biography Alessandro De Giorgi has a PhD in Criminology from Keele University, UK. He is a research fellow in Criminology in the Faculty of Law at the University of Bologna, Italy. His main research interests are in the fields of global migrations and the political economy of social control in contemporary societies. 相似文献
Alessandro De GiorgiEmail: |
Biography Alessandro De Giorgi has a PhD in Criminology from Keele University, UK. He is a research fellow in Criminology in the Faculty of Law at the University of Bologna, Italy. His main research interests are in the fields of global migrations and the political economy of social control in contemporary societies. 相似文献
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Francesca V. Negri Ph.D. Annamaria De Giorgi M.D. Cecilia Bozzetti B.S. Anna Squadrilli B.S. Pier Giorgio Petronini Ph.D. Francesco Leonardi M.D. Luigi Bisogno B.S. Luciano Garofano B.S. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2017,62(5):1372-1373
Hand–foot syndrome, a chemotherapy‐induced cutaneous toxicity, can cause an alteration in fingerprints causing a setback for cancer patients due to the occurrence of false rejections. A colon cancer patient was fingerprinted after not having been able to use fingerprint recognition devices after 6 months of adjuvant chemotherapy. The fingerprint images were digitally processed to improve fingerprint definition without altering the papillary design. No evidence of skin toxicity was present. Two months later, the situation returned to normal. The fingerprint evaluation conducted on 15 identification points highlighted the quantitative and qualitative fingerprint alteration details detected after the end of chemotherapy and 2 months later. Fingerprint alteration during chemotherapy has been reported, but to our knowledge, this particular case is the first ever reported without evident clinical signs. Alternative fingerprint identification methods as well as improved biometric identification systems are needed in case of unexpected situations. 相似文献
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Although the presence of the crucifix in public classrooms and other public offices is an ancient Italian tradition, it was never a political issue until recent times. In the early 2000s, some court cases and other events (first at the national and later also at the European level) turned the public display of the crucifix into a major issue in the national political debate. This article analyses the frames used by social and political actors in the different phases of this debate, in order to understand its evolution and its connection to the broader discussion on values in the public sphere developed in Italy in recent times. 相似文献
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Former Berkeley Free Speech Movement activists' sociopolitical status, self and ideal self constructions, perceptions of parents' child-rearing practices and moral reasoning were compared with an assessment made 11 years earlier following the Berkeley Sproul Hall sit-in. Activists were found to be less politically active, more tempered in their political radicalism, more pragmatic and personally reactive in their self and ideal self conceptualizations, more critical in their perceptions of parental relationships, and stable in their level of moral development. While activists appear to have made some important life transitions, an argument is made for their continued distinctiveness as a generational cohort both politically and psychosocially.Doctoral candidate in clinical psychology at the University of California School of Medicine at Davis. Major interests are the political contexts of adult development and of mental health service delivery.Received his Ph.D. in psychology from the University of Colorado at Boulder. Major interests are personality and politics and the politics of clinical practice. 相似文献
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