全文获取类型
收费全文 | 110篇 |
免费 | 0篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 15篇 |
工人农民 | 1篇 |
世界政治 | 15篇 |
法律 | 30篇 |
政治理论 | 49篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 1篇 |
2014年 | 5篇 |
2013年 | 7篇 |
2012年 | 2篇 |
2011年 | 5篇 |
2010年 | 4篇 |
2009年 | 3篇 |
2008年 | 4篇 |
2007年 | 2篇 |
2006年 | 4篇 |
2005年 | 4篇 |
2003年 | 3篇 |
2000年 | 1篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 3篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 2篇 |
1990年 | 4篇 |
1989年 | 3篇 |
1987年 | 3篇 |
1986年 | 2篇 |
1985年 | 2篇 |
1982年 | 4篇 |
1981年 | 3篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 7篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
1975年 | 2篇 |
1974年 | 4篇 |
1973年 | 2篇 |
1972年 | 2篇 |
1970年 | 2篇 |
1967年 | 3篇 |
1966年 | 1篇 |
1964年 | 3篇 |
1963年 | 1篇 |
1960年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有110条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
51.
ALAN MACLEOD 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2020,39(3):362-379
This article explores how seven leading western newspapers covered the topic of polarisation in Venezuelan society during the Chávez era. It found that the media largely ignored the debate as to whether Hugo Chávez was the catalyst or consequence of polarisation. It virtually unanimously presented him as a divisive, polarising character destroying democracy, contrary to the lived experiences of many Venezuelans, while ignoring other possible explanations for the polarisation. It also found that there was a strong similarity in how the liberal and conservative, British and American press covered the issue, with virtually no differences in explanations or outlook, thus manufacturing consent for the elite view of the issue. 相似文献
52.
In this paper we test the relationship between perceived satisfaction with promotion policy and cynical attitudes for fifty-seven black male officers in a southern metropolitan police department. Correlation analyses revealed that selected variables taken from the Niederhoffer (1967) model relate to feelings of mistrust in hypothesized directions. Satisfaction with promotion policy was observed to be the most important predictor of cynicism after controlling for the effects of rank, years of service, and education. Equity motivation theory is then presented as an approach to modify traditional opportunity structures grounded in politics and seniority. 相似文献
53.
This article examines the electoral campaigns for the Presidency and Congress in Chile in 2005/2006. It looks at the issues in the campaign and at the candidates, and their relations with the political parties. It concludes that the economic and political advances during the Presidency of Ricardo Lagos (2000–2006) provided a very favourable context for the fourth successive Presidential victory for the Concertación alliance since 1990. Although electoral continuity was very marked, there were new features – not least the election of a woman as President. Bachelet’s election is partly the product of social and political change taking Chile in a more liberal direction, and her campaign promised to extend and deepen social rights in Chile. 相似文献
54.
ALAN DOIG 《The Political quarterly》2006,77(1):71-78
55.
56.
57.
58.
59.
By virtue of the type of data generally used (victim surveys), previous research on the victimization of the elderly is limited in two respects. Not only is the crime of homicide outside the domain of victimization data, but sample surveys uncover too few incidents of victimization of the elderly to permit in-depth analyses. Using the supplementary homicide reports from 1976–1985, we compared patterns and rates of homicide among the elderly and younger populations. Our results suggest that the elderly are in fact the least at risk for homicide generally, as has been reported for other crimes. When examining specific subtypes of homicide, however, the elderly are actually at greater risk than their younger counterparts for homicide committed during a robbery. 相似文献
60.
Testing Spatial Models of Elections: The Influence of Voters and Elites on Candidate Issue Positions
JOHN FRENDREIS ALAN R. GITELSON SHANNON JENKINS DOUGLAS D. ROSCOE 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2003,28(1):77-101
This research tests spatial models of electoral competition using survey data on state legislative candidates' policy positions and ideology in eight U.S. states. Our data support several hypotheses: 1) candidates' issue positions do not converge; 2) party elites have more extreme positions than do candidates; 3) candidate issue positioning is a function of party‐elite issue positions and union involvement in the campaign, as well as constituency characteristics; and 4) when candidates rely heavily on elite resources during their campaign, elites become more important in shaping candidate issue positions. 相似文献