Mitochondrial profiling of dog hairs

In order to make greater use of dog hairs as forensic evidence, we have developed a robust method for duplex amplification of adjacent 306 and 332bp amplicons within the 5' hypervariable region (5' HVR) of the canine mitochondrial control region. In support of this, a 595bp region covering 35 polymorphic sites has been sequenced from the blood of 105 UK dogs. In total, 30 different haplotypes were observed, 13 only once whilst the commonest was seen 14 times; the overall exclusion capacity is 0.929. One animal was heteroplasmic in blood for a single base deletion and showed phenotypes ranging from near complete deletion to a predominance of the base among a sample of 12 hairs. In contrast, no evidence of heteroplasmy was seen in single hairs from 20 dogs which were not visibly heteroplasmic in blood. Phylogenetic analysis and comparisons with other published databases highlighted instances of possible recurrent mutation which may be relevant when interpreting single base differences between samples.     

Fear and Loathing in California: Contextual Threat and Political Sophistication Among Latino Voters

Environments having candidates or policies deemed threatening to an individual or group have previously been found to trigger feelings of anxiety that in turn motivate people to closely monitor political affairs. Racially charged ballot propositions, and the strong feelings they evoked, made California in the mid-1990s just such an environment for Latino citizens—resulting, we believe, in higher levels of political information. Using the Tomás Rivera Policy Institute's 1997 postelection survey of Hispanic citizens, we compare levels of political knowledge between naturalized and native-born Latino citizens in California and similarly situated Latino citizens in Texas. We find that, as a result of these highly publicized and controversial initiatives, Latino immigrants in California (a) are more likely than native-born Latinos and Latinos outside California to perceive racial issues as most important, and (b) manifest higher levels of political information than their fellow native-born Latinos and Latino citizens outside of California, controlling for other well-recognized predictors of political information levels.     

Territorial Justice and Devolution

The concept of territorial justice has a long history in studies of the spatial distribution of welfare state services in the UK. Since the inception of the devolution process, territorial justice has maintained support as a principle to guide policy and has been promoted recently as an objective for the reform of the financial arrangements for the devolved administrations. The first part of the article argues that the standard version of territorial justice is premised on the UK as a unitary state and is unworkable as a political principle of justice after devolution. An alternative version of territorial justice is developed to accommodate a union state. The final part discusses several policy issues post-devolution in terms of different versions of territorial justice: intergovernmental fiscal relations; health care policy including access to medicines; and free community care for the elderly.     

Is Liberal Democracy Sliding into ‘Democratic Despotism’?

Post‐democracy and cognate concepts suggest that the postwar period of democratisation has given way to a concentration of power in the hands of small groups that are unrepresentative and unaccountable, as exemplified by the rise of multinational corporations and their influence on democratic politics. This article goes further to argue that this does not fully capture the triple threat facing liberal democracy: first, the rise of a new oligarchy that strengthens executive power at the expense of parliament and people; second, the resurgence of populism and demagogy linked to a backlash against technocratic rule and procedural politics; third, the emergence of anarchy associated with the atomisation of society and a weakening of social ties and civic bonds. In consequence, liberal democracy risks sliding into a form of ‘democratic despotism’ that maintains the illusion of free choice while instilling a sense of ‘voluntary servitude’ as conceptualised by Tocqueville.     

Do Policy Makers Use Academic Research? Reexamining the “Two Communities” Theory of Research Utilization

Academics and policy makers in many Western countries are perceived as occupying separate communities, with distinct languages, values, and reward systems. However, data from a survey of more than 2,000 policy officials and 126 in‐depth interviews with public servants in Australia suggest that the “two communities” conceptualization may be misleading and flawed. More realistically, there is a range of interaction between policy and academia, with some individuals valuing and using academic research more than others. Furthermore, this relationship is complicated by the internal division between the political and administrative components of the public policy process.     

The Influence of Selected Fingerprint Enhancement Techniques on Forensic DNA Typing of Epithelial Cells Deposited on Porous Surfaces

Fingerprints deposited at crime scene can be a source of DNA. Previous reports on the effects of fingerprint enhancement methods have focused mainly on fingermarks deposited in blood or saliva. Here, we evaluate the effects of fingerprint enhancement methods on fingerprints deposited on porous surfaces. We performed real‐time quantification and STR typing, the results of which indicated that two methods (iodine fuming and 1,2‐indanedione in ethyl acetate enhancement) had no effect on the quantity of DNA isolated and resultant STR alleles when compared to control samples. DNA quantities and allele numbers were lower for samples enhanced with silver nitrate and 1,2‐indanedione in acetic acid when compared to control samples. Based on DNA quantity, quality, and observable stochastic effects, our data indicated that iodine fuming and 1,2‐indanedione in ethyl acetate were the preferred options for the enhancement of fingerprints on porous surfaces.     

N-cyanomethyl-N-methyl-1-(3',4'-methylenedioxyphenyl)-2-propylamine: an MDMA manufacturing by-product

This paper describes the structural elucidation of a compound produced during the synthesis of 3,4-methylenedioxymethylamphetamine (MDMA) via the reductive amination of 3,4-methylenedioxyphenyl-2-propanone (3,4-MDP-2-P) with methylamine and sodium cyanoborohydride. The compound was isolated from MDMA by column chromatography, proton and carbon nuclear magnetic resonance spectroscopy, LC/mass spectrometry, and total synthesis were used to identify the compound as N-cyanomethyl-N-methyl-1-(3',4'-methylenedioxyphenyl)-2-propylamine. This compound has been identified as a potential synthetic route marker for the reductive amination of 3,4-MDP-2-P with methylamine and sodium cyanoborohydride and as such it should prove valuable to forensic scientists engaged in profiling illicit drugs. Profiling MDMA can provide useful information to law enforcement agencies relating to synthetic route, precursor chemicals and reagents employed and may be used for comparative analyses of different drug seizures. This paper also describes the structural elucidation of the analogous methylamphetamine synthetic route marker compound, N-cyanomethyl-N-methyl-1-phenyl-2-propylamine, produced during the reductive amination of phenyl-2-propanone using methylamine and sodium cyanoborohydride.     

Postliberalism: The New Centre Ground of British Politics

Brexit and support for anti‐establishment insurgencies suggest that British politics is moving away from the old left–right opposition towards a new divide between the defenders and detractors of progressive liberalism. As this article suggests, progressive liberalism differs significantly from both classical and new liberalism. It fuses free‐market economics with social egalitarianism and identity politics. Both the hard left and the radical right reject this combination and want to undo a number of liberal achievements. British politics is also moving in a postliberal direction. In the economy, postliberalism signals a shift from rampant market capitalism to economic justice and reciprocity. In society, it signals a shift from individualism and egalitarianism to social solidarity and fraternal relations. And politically, it signals a shift from the minority politics of vested interests and balkanised group identity to a majority politics based on a balance of interests, shared identity and the embedding of state and market in the intermediary institutions of civil society. This article argues that postliberalism is redefining Britain's political centre ground in an age where neither progressive liberalism nor reactionary anti‐liberalism commands majority support. First, it charts the ascendancy of progressive liberalism over the past quarter‐century. Second, it contrasts anti‐liberal reactions with postliberal alternatives, before exploring why earlier iterations of postliberalism failed to gain traction with the political mainstream. Third, it provides a discussion and critique of Theresa May's postliberal conservatism, notably the tension between free‐market globalisation and free trade, on the one hand, and the support for national industry and the indigenous working class, on the other.