The Influence of Selected Fingerprint Enhancement Techniques on Forensic DNA Typing of Epithelial Cells Deposited on Porous Surfaces

Fingerprints deposited at crime scene can be a source of DNA. Previous reports on the effects of fingerprint enhancement methods have focused mainly on fingermarks deposited in blood or saliva. Here, we evaluate the effects of fingerprint enhancement methods on fingerprints deposited on porous surfaces. We performed real‐time quantification and STR typing, the results of which indicated that two methods (iodine fuming and 1,2‐indanedione in ethyl acetate enhancement) had no effect on the quantity of DNA isolated and resultant STR alleles when compared to control samples. DNA quantities and allele numbers were lower for samples enhanced with silver nitrate and 1,2‐indanedione in acetic acid when compared to control samples. Based on DNA quantity, quality, and observable stochastic effects, our data indicated that iodine fuming and 1,2‐indanedione in ethyl acetate were the preferred options for the enhancement of fingerprints on porous surfaces.     

N-cyanomethyl-N-methyl-1-(3',4'-methylenedioxyphenyl)-2-propylamine: an MDMA manufacturing by-product

This paper describes the structural elucidation of a compound produced during the synthesis of 3,4-methylenedioxymethylamphetamine (MDMA) via the reductive amination of 3,4-methylenedioxyphenyl-2-propanone (3,4-MDP-2-P) with methylamine and sodium cyanoborohydride. The compound was isolated from MDMA by column chromatography, proton and carbon nuclear magnetic resonance spectroscopy, LC/mass spectrometry, and total synthesis were used to identify the compound as N-cyanomethyl-N-methyl-1-(3',4'-methylenedioxyphenyl)-2-propylamine. This compound has been identified as a potential synthetic route marker for the reductive amination of 3,4-MDP-2-P with methylamine and sodium cyanoborohydride and as such it should prove valuable to forensic scientists engaged in profiling illicit drugs. Profiling MDMA can provide useful information to law enforcement agencies relating to synthetic route, precursor chemicals and reagents employed and may be used for comparative analyses of different drug seizures. This paper also describes the structural elucidation of the analogous methylamphetamine synthetic route marker compound, N-cyanomethyl-N-methyl-1-phenyl-2-propylamine, produced during the reductive amination of phenyl-2-propanone using methylamine and sodium cyanoborohydride.     

Postliberalism: The New Centre Ground of British Politics

Brexit and support for anti‐establishment insurgencies suggest that British politics is moving away from the old left–right opposition towards a new divide between the defenders and detractors of progressive liberalism. As this article suggests, progressive liberalism differs significantly from both classical and new liberalism. It fuses free‐market economics with social egalitarianism and identity politics. Both the hard left and the radical right reject this combination and want to undo a number of liberal achievements. British politics is also moving in a postliberal direction. In the economy, postliberalism signals a shift from rampant market capitalism to economic justice and reciprocity. In society, it signals a shift from individualism and egalitarianism to social solidarity and fraternal relations. And politically, it signals a shift from the minority politics of vested interests and balkanised group identity to a majority politics based on a balance of interests, shared identity and the embedding of state and market in the intermediary institutions of civil society. This article argues that postliberalism is redefining Britain's political centre ground in an age where neither progressive liberalism nor reactionary anti‐liberalism commands majority support. First, it charts the ascendancy of progressive liberalism over the past quarter‐century. Second, it contrasts anti‐liberal reactions with postliberal alternatives, before exploring why earlier iterations of postliberalism failed to gain traction with the political mainstream. Third, it provides a discussion and critique of Theresa May's postliberal conservatism, notably the tension between free‐market globalisation and free trade, on the one hand, and the support for national industry and the indigenous working class, on the other.     

The Art of Privacy: Assaulting the Phallocentric Organization of Capital

A certain type of subjectivity, which I would call capitalistic, is overtaking the whole planet: an equalized subjectivity, with standardized fantasies and massive consumption of infantilizing reassurances. It causes every kind of passivity, degeneration of democratic values, collective racist impulses?…?Today it is massively secreted by the media, community centers and alleged cultural institutions. It not only involves conscious ideological formations, but also collective unconscious emotions.1 1. Félix Guattari, ‘Four Truths for Psychiatry’, in Soft Subversions, ed. Sylvère Lotringer New York: Semiotext[e], 1996, p. 266.      

Political ontology,constituent power,and representation

In this piece, I discuss some aspects of the tension between democracy and constitutionalism in light of Pettit’s attempt to think popular control of government by way of a mixed constitution and the introduction of an alternative concept of representation.     

Liberale Romandie,radikale Deutschschweiz? Kantonale Demokratien zwischen Repräsentation und Partizipation

Der vorliegende Beitrag untersucht die weit verbreitete These, dass Deutschschweizer Kantone vor allem radikaldemokratische Merkmale aufweisen, während die lateinischen Kantone stärker liberal‐repräsentative Demokratieformen besitzen. Die empirische und mehrdimensionale Messung der Demokratiequalität in den Kantonen zeigt, dass die pauschale These der direktdemokratisch‐partizipatorischen Deutschschweizer Kantone auf der einen Seite und der repräsentativdemokratischen Stände der lateinischen Schweiz auf der anderen Seite der Komplexität der kantonalen Demokratien nicht gerecht wird. Als erklärungskräftige Alternative für die Positionen der Kantone auf den Achsen liberaler und radikaler Demokratien an der Schwelle des 21. Jahrhunderts erweist sich vielmehr die Stärke der liberalen und demokratischen Verfassungsbewegungen in den Kantonen Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts.     

China's Environmental Governance: the domestic – international nexus

This paper examines the connection between China's domestic governance and its involvement in global governance in environmental protection by studying the major actors and issues involved in the interaction between the domestic and international spheres of activities. These actors include international institutions, national and local governments, nongovernmental organisations, and others. The paper demonstrates that China has made some substantive progress in protecting its environment, but much more needs to be done. Internationally it seems to lack the will or the capability to make much contribution towards global environmental governance. However, because of its huge aggregate size, what it does or does not do to avert environmental degradation at home could have a significant impact on collective efforts to protect the environment at the global level.     

The “sleep-walking giant” awakes: resetting German foreign and security policy

A quarter of a century after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the role of the Bundesrepublik in Europe is once again the focus of international scrutiny and academic debate. Having long been seen as a “reflexive multilateralist” and “tamed power”, with a “leadership avoidance reflex” and a “civilian power” strategic culture, the Eurozone crisis has pushed the Berlin Republic into the role of “reluctant hegemon”. At the same time, however, Germany has been widely criticized by its EU and NATO partners for its half-hearted commitment to the Afghan war and its failure to support its allies in the Libyan intervention. Prompted by a call by Federal President Joachim Gauck in 2013 for Germany to live up to its international responsibilities, new themes in foreign and security policy have recently emerged. At the Munich Security Conference in February 2014, a more active and engaged approach was outlined by both the Foreign and Defence Ministers. This paper will examine recent shifts in the discourse of German foreign and security policy, and considers the extent to which these have been accompanied by significant shifts in policy outcome and implementation – particularly in the light of the Ukrainian crisis.