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71.
Ahmed Badran 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(3):204-213
The creation and diffusion of Independent 1 Regulatory Agencies (IRAs) was greatly investigated in the context of the developed countries, particularly in Europe. Many scholars have provided different theories to explain the logic behind the formation and the spread of such agencies. These theories are important but not sufficient to explain the same phenomenon in the context of the developing countries wherein socio-economic and political environments are different. Adopting an institutional framework of analysis, and based on an in-depth qualitative documentary analysis and interviews with different stakeholders, this article investigates the creation and diffusion of the IRAs in Egypt particularly in the telecommunication sector. The findings show that the creation of the IRAs in the Egyptian telecommunications sector represents a rational response to the external isomorphic pressures exerted by international agency and can be explained on functional and practical grounds rather than any other factors of democratic governance or political uncertainties. 相似文献
72.
Public management in South Asia has been influenced by the colonial past which has resulted in the domination of administrative systems by the bureaucrats. Bureaucracies remained firmly entrenched as powerful groups and performed both administrative and political functions. India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka represent cases with similar backgrounds which opted for different political and economic systems after achieving independence. Consequently, a number of issues have emerged in public management in South Asia. These include debureaucratization of the policy process, complex relationship between specialists and generalists, integration of administrative structures, reconciliation of merit and equity, choice between professional and political patronage, revitalization of management, bridging the ever widening gap between the citizens and administrators, and the establishment of a sound ethical base of administration. The success of South Asian governments in dealing with these issues will determine, to a considerable extent, the dimensions and directions of change. While some of the issues will have to be addressed in the natural course of development, others will require a substantial degree of commitment from the governments as well as the societies. 相似文献
73.
Ahmed Shafiqul Huque 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2013,21(2):53-74
Studies on the role of the state and its control over the economy favour a reduction of state involvement in the process. While such efforts were conducive to the political and economic arrangements in the capitalist world, China presented an entirely different challenge. The state played a dominant role in the production and delivery of all public goods and exercised effective control over the economy in China. However, the changing circumstances following China's adoption of liberalisation have set in motion a number of changes including an apparent reduction of state control over the economy. A case in point is the shift in the role of the state in the production and distribution of public housing in the urban areas. There have been efforts to introduce a market system in housing provision through privatisation, commercialisation and socialisation, and these have resulted in increased private home ownership as well as the formulation of new regulations to govern the real estate market. The intention was to gradually transfer the responsibility of production and management of this essential commodity to property development and professional management companies. However, the state has continued to play a prominent role on the pretext of protecting the citizens from negative consequences of the reforms. The state must take into consideration the nature of the society and its tradition of providing public services and adjust policies to derive maximum benefit from the reforms. As a result, the role of the state has shifted, rather than reduced, and the transformation provides a new perspective on the potential pitfalls in liberalising and rolling back the state. 相似文献
74.
Aasim Sajjad Akhtar 《Socialism and Democracy》2013,27(2):133-146
A Very British History—Without the Whingers * Peter Hennessy, Never Again—Britain, 1945–1951 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1993). Industrial Cities and Their Working Class: Notes on a Time Gone By Robert A. Catlin, Black Politics and Urban Planning: Gary, Indiana 1980–1989 (The University Press of Kentucky, 1993). Andrew Hurley, Environmental Inequalities: Class, Race and Industrial Pollution in Gary, Indiana, 1945–1980 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1994). Anthony M. Orum, City‐Building in America (Boulder: Westview Press, 1995). Against Green Gloom Gregg Easterbrook, A Moment on The Earth: The Coming Age of Environmental Optimism (New York: Viking, 1995). Talking Class(room) Frances A. Maher and Mary Kay Thompson Tetreault, The Feminist Classroom: An Inside Look at How Professors and Students are Transforming Higher Education for A Diverse Society (New York Basic Books, 1994). Working Out Stanley Aronowitz and William DiFazio, The Jobless Future: Scitech and The Dogma of Work (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994). 相似文献
75.
Aasim Sajjad Akhtar 《当代亚洲杂志》2013,43(1):105-122
For more than 50 years, Pakistan has functioned as imperialism's “frontline state.” The military has remained the country's dominant political player and the basic precepts of bourgeois democracy remain conspicuous by their absence. Since the military coup in October 1999, the configuration of power in Pakistan has become subject to serious internal contradictions, in large part because of the “war on terror” and the loss of public prestige of the military. These contradictions have intensified in the wake of a lawyer-led street movement sparked by the military top brass' dismissal of the country's chief justice in March 2007. Since then the country's most well-known politician, Benazir Bhutto, has been assassinated and her Pakistan People's Party has swept to power in general elections held in February 2008. However, the crisis of the frontline state has not ebbed, and the oligarchic system of power remains subject to rupture. 相似文献
76.
77.
Syed Imtiaz Ahmed 《Democratization》2013,20(2):283-302
This article sets out to identify the conditions that promote civilian supremacy over the military in the post-military democracies. The article addresses the case of Bangladesh, where a decade-old post-military democratic political process is riddled with problems, such as the absence of opposition parties in the parliament, chronic political instability and violence and inefficient governance. However, the powerful military has not yet shown any inclination towards intervention in domestic politics. Rather, various civilian institutions, such as the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Defence (PSCD), have been successful in raising the level of the military's accountability to the civilian government and society. The article seeks to explain the role of PSCD during 1998–2001 in promoting civilian supremacy in Bangladesh. It argues that three sets of factors can explain the PSCD's role. First, there is intense competition for political power between the two major parties, which resists the military's involvement in politics in favour of any one political party. Second, there is the important role of civil society in favour of civilian supremacy. Third, there are external factors such as the donor countries' and international agencies' stance in favour of democracy and the Bangladesh military's participation in United Nations peacekeeping missions, which are discouraging military intervention in politics at home. 相似文献
78.
Waqar Ahmed Wadho 《European Journal of Law and Economics》2013,35(1):41-59
In a two-sector model, we show that corruption is endogenously determined by the model parameters. It depends on the fraction of unskilled labor and the relative TFP differential between skilled and unskilled sector. First, for a larger proportion of unskilled labor force, there is widespread corruption and for smaller share of unskilled labor force, there is no corruption. For the intermediate level, equilibrium depends on the number of corrupt bureaucrats and there are multiple equilibria. Second, corruption decreases with the relative TFP differential between skilled and unskilled sector. For the intermediate level of TFP differential, there are multiple equilibria. On its consequences, corruption causes rise in the wage inequality between skilled and unskilled workers. It distorts the allocation of resources, which results in the output and the welfare losses, and it is associated with the higher tax rate. 相似文献
79.
Ayadi I Mahfoudh-Lahiani N Makni H Ammar-Keskes L Rebaï A 《Journal of forensic sciences》2007,52(5):1068-1072
Paternity testing is being increasingly requested with the aim of challenging presumptive fatherhood. The ability to establish the biological father is usually based on the genotyping of autosomal short tandem repeat (STR) in alleged father, mother and child, but the use of Y-chromosomal STR has gained interest in the last few years. In this work, we propose a new probabilistic approach that combines autosomal and Y-chromosomal STR data in paternity testing with father/son pairs taking into account mutation events. We also suggest a new two-stage approach where we first type Y-STRs and possibly autosomal STR for the putative father and son, conditional on Y-STR results. We applied this approach to 22 cases. Our results show that Y-STRs can identify nonpaternity cases with high accuracy but need to be validated with autosomal STR to establish paternity. Moreover, the two-stage approach is less costly than the standard approach and is very useful in motherless cases. 相似文献
80.
Md Dilsad Ahmed Rudolph Leon van Niekerk Tony Morris Thomas Baker Babar Ali Khan 《国际比较与应用刑事审判杂志》2018,42(1):33-53
The current study assessed the perceptions of acceptable sexual behaviour of coaches and the occurrence of sexual harassment among female student in India. A sample of 180 Indian female student-athletes at intercollegiate and inter-university levels with male coaches participated in this study. A questionnaire on sport-specific Touch and Behaviour versus Unwanted Intimacy from coaches (Vanden Auweele et al., 2008), consisting of 41 items on a 5-point rating scale was used. The participants were asked to indicate the acceptability of specific coaching behaviour as well as the occurrence of the behaviour represented in each item. The acceptability of the behaviour was determined by means and standard deviations, while the occurrence was determined by frequencies. Factor analysis was performed to determine the structure of the coaches’ behaviour and athletes’ acceptability thereof, which yielded four factors. Cronbach’s alpha was used to determine the internal consistency of the extracted items on each factor. Two factors, namely, unwanted sexual behaviour and inappropriate verbal and physical sexual behaviour, were regarded by athletes as very serious and unacceptable coach behaviour, while a third factor represented context-dependent suspicious behaviour (a grey area in which athletes differ in their opinion) and was perceived to be serious and unacceptable. A fourth factor represented acceptable behaviour. The occurrence of very serious and unacceptable behaviour was reported by 31% of the female athletes. 相似文献